Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852’1912 (91 page)

Probably the most satisfactory aspect of 1885 for the emperor was in foreign relations. The year began promisingly when King Kojong of Korea sent in February a formal apology for the incident of December 1884 in which Japanese had been killed.
²⁹

In the same month, Lieutenant General Takashima Tomonosuke and Rear Admiral Viscount Kabayama Sukenori, both of whom had seen service in Korea, submitted a document to the Court Council in which they contrasted the steady progress toward modernization Japan had achieved as the result of its adoption of the government, education, laws, and military systems of Europe and America with the obdurate clinging to the old ways of the Chinese. The two countries were headed in quite different directions, which had created in the Chinese feelings of envy and suspicion. Takashima and Kabayama recalled clashes between China and Japan in recent years, particularly the incidents of 1884 when the Chinese attacked Japanese units in Korea and inflicted casualties. They urged resolute action to clear away the sinister clouds and to eradicate the pestilential fumes; otherwise, there was no telling what disaster might occur between the two countries. They were sure that this was a unique opportunity to promote national power and to elevate the prestige of the imperial house.
³⁰

The Court Council’s response was to dispatch It
ō
Hirobumi to China as ambassador plenipotentiary in order to deal with the increasing rift between China and Japan. It was hoped he would be able to sign a treaty that would keep the Chinese from further interfering in Korea. Enomoto Takeaki, the Japanese minister to China, was secretly instructed to ask the good offices of Sir Harry Parkes (long the bane of the Japanese but now a potential friend as the British minister in Peking) in sounding out Li Hung-chang’s intentions. If Li refused to make arrangements with Japan concerning Korea, the Japanese government was prepared to seek satisfaction.

It
ō
was provided with credentials to be presented to the Chinese emperor and with instructions from the Japanese government describing its wishes for peace between the two countries but insisting that the Chinese meet two conditions: (1) the officer who commanded the troops involved in the December 6 incident should be punished; and (2) Chinese troops must be withdrawn from Seoul. If the Chinese accepted these terms, the Japanese were prepared to withdraw at the same time their troops guarding the Japanese legation in Seoul. If, however, the Chinese refused to sign such an agreement, the Japanese would be obliged to act in the interests of national self-defense. In that case, sooner or later there was bound to be a clash, and the responsibility would lie entirely with the Chinese.
³¹

It
ō
and his party sailed for China on February 28. The emperor expressed full confidence in It
ō
’s ability to reach a peaceful settlement, but popular feelings had been aroused against China and there were calls for conquest. The atmosphere was so reminiscent of the era when an invasion of Korea had been urged that Prime Minister Sanj
ō
felt it advisable to send a memorandum to ministers and other high-ranking officials emphasizing the emperor’s desire for peace.
³²

It
ō
arrived in Tientsin on March 14. The Chinese expected him to confer immediately with Li Hung-chang, who had been delegated with full powers, but It
ō
thought it advisable to proceed first to Peking for an audience with the emperor at which he might present his credentials. He hoped also to open discussions in Peking, but the Chinese ministers refused, pointing out that the emperor was still a child. They urged It
ō
to confer instead with Li in Tientsin. It
ō
and his party accordingly returned to Tientsin on April 2. The discussions between It
ō
and Li were difficult, but on April 15 they at last reached an agreement. They signed a treaty providing for the withdrawal of both countries’ troops from Korea. The commander of the Chinese troops at the time of the December 6 incident would not be punished, but alleged crimes against Japanese would be investigated, and Chinese soldiers who were found guilty of committing them would be punished accordingly. It
ō
accepted this modification of his original demands because, he said, of the emperor’s desire for peace in East Asia.
³³

When It
ō
returned to T
ō
ky
ō
, he was warmly thanked by the emperor. The next day, the emperor sent word asking Sanj
ō
whether It
ō
should be given the same reward (10,000 yen) that
Ō
kubo Toshimichi received after his successful negotiations in Peking concerning Taiwan or whether he should be promoted to first rank or perhaps given an annual stipend.
³⁴
Some at the court thought It
ō
deserved to be made a marquis. Sanj
ō
apparently recommended that It
ō
be given 10,000 yen plus a set of gold cups,
³⁵
but during the following months, a horse, a gift from the emperor, was It
ō
’s chief material reward.
³⁶
He received an even more welcome sign of imperial approbation when on July 7 the emperor, together with more than twenty members of the nobility and high-ranking officials, visited It
ō
’s residence.
³⁷

There could be little doubt of the emperor’s high regard for It
ō
, although he did not share It
ō
’s unbounded enthusiasm for Western culture. In September the emperor resumed his Friday lunches with princes, councillors, and other high-ranking members of the government and the military, perhaps a sign he had shaken off his apathy. In November, It
ō
, in his capacity of imperial household minister, proposed that in view of the increasingly heavy demands on the emperor’s time, meals with Japanese and foreigners, evening parties, and balls be restricted to the period between chrysanthemum viewing and cherry-blossom viewing.

About this time, another politician began to figure prominently in the highest circles, Kuroda Kiyotaka. He had resigned in February 1883 his position as major general
³⁸
and requested permission to make a tour of China, mainly in order to promote the sale in China of Hokkaid
ō
products. Inoue Kaoru turned down the request, saying that in view of the tense relations between Japan and China, it was not an ideal time for a senior member of the government to be visiting China.
³⁹
In February 1885 Kuroda again proposed going to China, this time in order to observe the war between China and France. He had an audience with the emperor, who agreed to send him because China, Japan’s nearest neighbor, was a country of prime importance. The emperor asked Kuroda to submit reports on the Sino-French War.
⁴⁰
Although this was to be an unofficial journey, the emperor gave Kuroda 4,000 yen for his expenses.

Kuroda traveled first to Hong Kong, arriving on the same day that It
ō
reached Tientsin, and from there he went to Singapore. He would have liked to travel farther south, but learning on April 16 of the treaty signed in Tientsin between China and Japan, he decided instead to go north to Peking, where he was soon drinking merrily with the Japanese minister, Enomoto Takeaki.
⁴¹
Kuroda returned to Japan on September 5.

At this stage Sanj
ō
considered appointing Kuroda as minister of the right to fill the position left empty by Iwakura’s death. He asked It
ō
’s opinion. It
ō
replied that no one was better qualified than Kuroda and promised to do what he could to assist him. This inclined Kuroda to accept, but when Sanj
ō
reported to the emperor, he received an unexpected reaction: the emperor said that the post of minister of the right entailed heavy responsibilities and that the occupant must therefore be a man of sterling reputation, which could hardly be said of Kuroda. He added astutely that if Kuroda were to take this office, he would soon discover that real power was in the hands of It
ō
and that he was likely to become resentful.
⁴²

Sanj
ō
then proposed that It
ō
become minister of the right, but It
ō
, aware that if he accepted, he would be strengthening the
daj
ō
kan
—the antiquated system of government—and would thereby lose the chance to abolish it, refused, insisting that Kuroda be appointed. Once again this was reported to the emperor, who asked if
all
the councillors had agreed on Kuroda. One councillor, Sasaki Takayuki, a man the emperor respected, had in fact not taken part in the decision. Sasaki privately expressed disapproval of Kuroda, citing his disorderly behavior, the adverse gossip about him, and especially his drunkenness.
⁴³
Sanj
ō
at length persuaded Sasaki not to voice his objections, probably by threatening to dismiss him from the post of minister of works.

Presumably it was because of his meritorious service in Hokkaid
ō
that Kuroda was proposed as minister of the right, but it is baffling to a modern reader that a man seriously implicated in the Colonization Office scandal of 1881 should have been considered for the third-highest post in the government. His personal life was certainly not beyond reproach. He was known as the heaviest drinker in political circles of the Meiji era and was sometimes was too drunk to deal with difficult decisions. His drunkenness often induced him to display his fierce temper. Finally, his wife had died in 1878 under mysterious circumstances.
⁴⁴

When Sanj
ō
informed Kuroda that he was unanimously supported by the councillors, he was once again surprised: Kuroda now refused the position, saying that he was unworthy to occupy a post that neither Saig
ō
Takamori nor L kubo Toshimichi had attained. He also mentioned his reluctance to be It
ō
’s superior. Whether or not these were his real feelings, it seems likely he had heard of the opposition to his appointment expressed by the emperor and Sasaki and was also aware of the motivation behind Sanj
ō
’s and It
ō
’s support. Kuroda withdrew from public life for the time being. He was much gratified when despite persistent rumors that he had killed his wife, the emperor visited his house on November 11.
⁴⁵

When Sanj
ō
Sanetomi proposed that the emperor appoint Kuroda Kiyotaka as minister of the right, it was in order to maintain a balance in the government between Ch
ō
sh
ō
(represented by It
ō
) and Satsuma (Kuroda’s domain). He also wanted to shore up the
daj
ō
kan
, suspecting that It
ō
was planning a reorganization of the government that would create a cabinet with himself as prime minister. It
ō
, realizing for the first time how reluctant Sanj
ō
would be to give up his post, decided to humor him and go along with his recommendation of Kuroda.
⁴⁶

In the meantime, It
ō
’s plans to change the form of government had gradually matured.
⁴⁷
Abolishing the
daj
ō
kan
in favor of a cabinet headed by a prime minister would not be simply an administrative change; it would mark the end of nominal rule by the nobility, replaced at the top by members of the samurai class.

Sanj
ō
was understandably dismayed by the imminent loss of his position, but when the order came from the emperor to study how the government should be reorganized, he could not voice his opposition. On December 22 Sanj
ō
had an audience with the emperor at which he advocated reform of the government and asked to be relieved of his post.
⁴⁸
The emperor consented, and on the same day, the offices of prime minister, minister of the left, minister of the right, councillors, and the heads of the various ministries were abolished and replaced with a parliamentary cabinet consisting of a prime minister and ministers who headed each of the nine branches of the government.
⁴⁹
It
ō
Hirobumi was appointed as prime minister, Inoue Kaoru as foreign minister, and Yamagata Aritomo as interior minister.

The selection of cabinet members was in accordance with It
ō
’s recommendations. The emperor objected at first to the appointment of Mori Arinori as minister of education because he was a controversial figure with Christian leanings, but It
ō
did not yield. He guaranteed the emperor that while he was prime minister, nothing would occur that might disturb his tranquillity. The emperor, having already delegated the formation of the cabinet to It
ō
, decided to allow him to have his way for the time being and to watch what happened.
⁵⁰
It
ō
had now attained the position of highest authority, second only to the emperor. The spirit of the Rokumeikan had triumphed.

Chapter 39