When de Bourboulon enters Nanjing on December 10, he is presented with a diplomatic predicament equivalent to that faced by Bonham: for the Taiping representative Qin Rigang, one of the leading Taiping generals and a close friend and confidant of Hong Xiuquan, is seated in a single chair upon a raised dais, from which eminence he gestures the French legate to one of a row of chairs below him. The slight is too obvious to be accepted. De Bourboulon demands a chair upon the dais of the same kind as Qin's. Qin demurs. But just as the audience is about to be called off, a compromise is reached—the two men and their staffs will talk "informally" in an adjacent room. There de Bourboulon enquires closely into the Taiping's religious beliefs, seeks guarantees for the well-being of Chinese Catholics under Taiping control, and reminds Qin both of France's neutrality in the current conflict and of her prior treaty agreements with the Qing that are still in force with Emperor Xianfeng. He makes no clear offers of forming a new treaty of formal agreement with the Taiping
44
state.
This reticence, along with the invocation of Emperor Xianfeng's name and title—
huangdi,
or "emperor," being reserved by the Taiping for God alone—leads swiftly to exasperation. Though de Bourboulon in person is spared, the wrath falls on his interpreter Clavelin, who is summoned to a special meeting with Taiping officials and treated to a sarcastic and angry diatribe. The Taiping logic is forceful; if the French revere the Qing ruler Xianfeng so much, they must be his friends; if they are Xianfeng's friends, they must see the Taiping as rebels; if they see the Taiping as rebels, then they are the Taiping's enemies; and so, in conclusion, "the better to help your friend you have come to spy on us, and to acquaint yourselves with the strengths and weaknesses of our position."
45
As if to reinforce this new and harder line, after several days of silence a message is brought to the
Cassini
on December 13. It is from the North King himself, "ordering" the French to visit his palace and receive his "verbal instructions." De Bourboulon, rejecting both the language and the tone of this Taiping summons, accepts the failure of his mission, and steams back to Shanghai on December 14.
46
But in his final report to the Foreign Ministry in France de Bourboulon remains more buoyant than Bonham after his earlier rebuffs. Admitting that he has not really achieved either the religious or the diplomatic results he hoped for, de Bourboulon still considers that the new intelligence he has gained more than makes up for those frustrations:
What stands out most for me from all that I have seen is the strength of this revolutionary movement, which promises nothing less than to accomplish a complete transformation, at once religious, social and political in this immense Empire, by tradition a land of custom and immobility. Whatever doubts may exist about its ultimate success, whatever obstacles the indifference of the masses and the resources of the Tartar dynasty may yet oppose to the rebellion's triumph, it is clear to me that this revolt is one of formidable character and proportions; that it is led by men who, be they fanatical or ambitious, have faith in the success of their venture, and who, besides their audacity, have in their favour ideas, a strength of organisation, tactics, in
short a moral force which gives them great superiority over their adversaries....
47
As to de Plas, on his return to Shanghai he learns that the
Cassini
is to be replaced by another warship and that he has been posted back to France: he feels his mission of bolstering the faith has been achieved, and he looks forward to greeting his mother once more, the mother to whom he has written almost weekly throughout the voyage, and whose letters in return have tracked him, to his joy, around the world:
Aboard the
Cassini,
Shanghai, December 27 [1853] My dear mama,
The departure of the
Cassini
has been a bit delayed by unexpected events, but it seems that our mission in this country is now completed.. . .
I went just once into Nanjing, to accompany M. de Bourboulon, who himself had just one interview with ministers there. That town, once so flourishing, inspired in me a feeling of sadness similar to that which one feels in visiting the ruins of Pompeii. The area enclosed within the fortifications is immense, but I doubt if even one-third is inhabited. The ramparts, still in good condition, encircle hills covered with trees where one sees not a single
dwelling; they are at least forty or fifty feet high, but if they seem formidable to the Chinese they would not be so to Europeans.. . .
One cannot deny it: there is, in the relations of these Guangxi people with each other a family air which seems to justify the name of "brother" that they give each other. Thus all their homes are shared in common, and their food and clothing are held in public storehouses. Gold, silver, and precious goods are all placed in the treasury. One can sell nothing, buy nothing. It is up to the leaders to see to all the different needs of their subordinates. Is it not admirable that a population of over one million can be thus clothed and fed in the midst of a civil war, and in the face of an armed enemy who besieges their city!
But now, what should one make of such a state of affairs? Will China change her masters and her religion? The insurrection of these Guangxi people is, one cannot deny it, an event of the gravest import. Let one call these people "rebels" or "brigands" as much as one wants, they have nonetheless gnawed the empire to its heart. . . . Only God can say what the future has in store for China, and for Catholicism in this land."
1
"
One touch of grace at his departure is the formal abjuration of her Protestantism by Mme. de Bourboulon, and her solemn reception into the Catholic church. Alcock, however, has not succumbed.
49
On first reaching Shanghai in March 1853, Captain de Plas had met both Sir George Bonham and the American minister Humphrey Marshall. He found the latter to be a man who liked to "follow a frank and tough line of conduct" in his dealings with the Chinese, and was touched when Marshall asked him if the
Cassini
would accompany the U.S. vessel
Susquehanna
on her projected voyage of reconnaissance to Nanjing. At the time, de Plas felt he could not take the responsibility for such a decision, given the weak state of the defenses of Shanghai.
50
As it happened, the
Susquehanna
had already run aground near Shanghai, despite the presence of two Chinese pilots on board, and been forced to abandon the attempt. De Plas noted that Marshall, angry at the British coup in getting to Nanjing first, vowed to make a second attempt to reach Nanjing as soon as he could get a vessel with a shallower draft than the
Susquehanna
put at his disposal.
51
The subsequent demands by Commodore Perry for the assistance of all available ships in Far Eastern waters for his celebrated journey to Japan, and Perry's temporary selection of the
Susquehanna
as his flagship, frustrated Marshall's desire. De Plas dined with Perry, in August 1853 after his return, and gave full details of this initial American foray to Japan, and in December de Plas noted Perry's departure on the second voyage with three warships, the
Susquehanna, Mississippi,
and
Powhatan.
52
Marshall, despite his "frank and tough" approach, was also a stickler for the letter if not the spirit of the "neutrality" commitinent made by the United States under the treaties signed in the 1840s, contenting himself in the spring of 1853 with collecting Taiping printed materials and sending them back to the Department of State for reference.
53
When Hong Xiuquan's teacher, the American Baptist Issachar Roberts, received an invitation in Canton from Hong to visit Nanjing, he at once asked Marshall in Shanghai for his permission; Roberts claimed the opportunity was parallel to that made to Paul in Acts 11:9—"And a vision appeared to Paul in the night; there stood a man of Macedonia, and prayed to him,- saying, 'Come over into Macedonia, and help us.' " But Marshall expressed his disapproval on the ground that such a trip violated the terms of the United States agreement with the Qing. Undeterred, Roberts collected the passage money from a sympathetic merchant in Canton, and traveled to Shanghai with a son and cousin of Feng Yunshan, the deceased South King, who had been in hiding in the south.
1
"
1
Once in Shanghai, Roberts repeated his request to Commissioner Marshall, who this time rebuffed him in even stronger terms, threatening (according to Roberts) to hang him if he tried. But in a private conversation with an American friend, Marshall said, "Why could not the infernal ass go without saying anything to me about it? Of course I had to tell him 'no.' My position compelled me to take that stand under the treaties, but 1 should have been delighted to have him go and bring back some reports of the rebels, which I could rely upon."
55
With the encouragement of Captain Fishbourne, and some local merchants, Roberts nevertheless decided to risk it and hired a small boat with a medical missionary acquaintance, Charles Taylor. They got as far as the lower reaches of the Yangzi River before they were stopped by a Qing patrol boat and ordered back to Shanghai.
,6
No American group has yet reached Nanjing by the spring of 1854, when Robert McLane replaces Marshall as U.S. commissioner, and announces that he will attempt the journey to the headquarters of "the Revolutionary Army" in Nanjing, using the
Susquehanna.
Roberts at once asks if McLane will take him, but the new commissioner rejects Roberts' request, though he does take two other Protestant missionaries with him. After carefully studying everything he can find on the previous delegations by Bonham and de Bourboulon, McLane leaves Shanghai on May 22, 1854, reaching Nanjing on the twenty-seventh.
5
'
Most of the formal American correspondence with the Taiping forces is sent in the name of the
Susquehanna's
captain, Frank Buchanan. As has been the case with both the
Hermes
and the
Cassini,
Taiping garrisons, unfamiliar with the markings or flags of foreign vessels, and constantly jumpy that Qing forces might be traveling in their wake or under their protection, fire warning shots as the
Susquehanna
approaches. But despite the study McLane says he has made of the French and British experiences, and despite the Taiping explanation that they have never seen the Stars and Stripes before, Buchanan is in no mood to trifle with the Taiping:
Sir,...
I will tomorrow morning send a boat on shore at 11 a.m. for the answer to my communication delivered to you today by an officer from this ship, and I have to insist that this answer shall contain a full and satisfactory apology for the heedless and insulting demonstration, of your battery, on shore this morning. If the fullest and most satisfactory apology is not made by you in response to my demand, 1 shall not hesitate on my return from Nanking, to resist the insult offered to the Flag of the U.S.
At one o'clock tomorrow I shall weigh anchor and proceed to Nanking, and then represent to your Ruler Taiping-Wan the insolence of those at Chin-Kiang-Fu, who have been so insensible to the proprieties and obligations of friendly national intercourse, and the respect which the Flag of the U.S. must always command, more especially from those whom we have fully informed of the friendly and neutral character of that Flag, as you were by me, in my communication of this morning.
I send you here enclosed a drawing of the Flag of the U.S., that you may never mistake it hereafter.
Very respectfully
Your obdt. Servt.
Frank L. Buchanan
58
The relationship grows no more cordial over the next few days. Unclear over the reasons for the U.S. vessel's visit—Buchanan and McLane refuse to answer other requests for clarification—the Taiping, through formalists responses by medium-level officials, stall over all Buchanan's requests tendered on McLane's behalf. The American desire to visit the famous porcelain pagoda south of the city (which, Clavelin had noted, was "located close to the retrenchments built at the foot of the walls to protect the city against imperialist [i.e., Qing| attacks" and hence was considered restricted territory), is deferred pending the East King's permission.
59
An American visit to explore the city of Nanjing is held off until the Americans can show they have someone "who understands the language and reads the characters" so that they would "know the rules and customs of our Heavenly Kingdom.'"'" Tempers are not improved when a young midshipman, impatient with confinement, climbs over the city wall on his own exploring trip.
6
1
The desire of McLane "to communicate with His Excellency Yang" and to make known "the friendly intentions" of the United States is not even passed up the chain of command, on the grounds that Buchanan "presumed to employ terms used in correspondence between equals" instead of those befitting a country "on the ocean's borders" that "ought to come kneeling" and show "the principles of true submission."
62