Goebbels: A Biography (39 page)

In the area of film, too, Goebbels tried to exert a controlling influence in 1934 and 1935, although with only limited success.

Once Goebbels had made work in the film industry dependent on membership of the Reich Film Chamber, he made sure that his control over film was considerably enlarged by the Cinema Law of February 16, 1934.
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Films could now be banned on account of offending
“national-socialist” or “artistic sensibilities,”
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and the law of censorship had been tightened in such a way
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that Goebbels could ban individual films by order, which he promptly did “on grounds of taste.”
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The law also introduced the classification of films by the state board of censors: The board was authorized to categorize films as “of political value to the state,” “artistic,” “educational,” or “culturally valuable,” thus exempting the films in question from the entertainment tax.
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Additionally, the Cinema Law provided for a “Reich film dramaturge” who—independently of the board of censors—was entitled to oversee all film projects at the planning and screenplay stages.
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The editor of
Der Angriff
, Willi Krause, took over the position of film dramaturge in February 1934.
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He was followed in 1936 and 1937 by the writer Hans Jürgen Nierentz, who also came from the editorial office of
Der Angriff
, but Goebbels soon became dissatisfied with him;
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in 1937 Fritz Hippler was appointed to the job.

On February 9, 1934, Goebbels gave a lecture in the Kroll Opera House to “film creators.” He took a conciliatory approach, protesting “against the imputation […] that we intend to falsify films for National Socialist purposes.” National Socialism should be “conveyed not by the choice of subject matter, but the way the material is treated.”
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Just a few months after his Kroll Opera House talk, Goebbels let leading representatives of the film world know that his demands actually went further. In the Propaganda Ministry on June 21, at a session for film administrators, leading lights of the film industry, and famous film stars—including Heinrich George, Heinz Rühmann, and Hans Albers—Goebbels stated that he did not demand “programmatic National Socialist films,” but that “film subjects should be imbued with national-socialist ideas and problems, and should acknowledge and represent the principle of the highest responsibility, but also the highest authority.” He was not against “entertainment films” as such, just against “mindless entertainment films.”
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There were several reasons that most entertainment films were banal in the extreme (Goebbels’s diaries fully attest to this)
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and that propaganda films were mainly limited to nationalist clichés. Above all there was, of course, the difficult economic situation of the film industry, aside from the somewhat impenetrable system of censorship and the lack of clear direction from the propaganda minister. The film industry was not willing to take risks.
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Goebbels tried to
change this unsatisfactory situation by having a law passed at the end of 1934 adjusting the film dramaturge’s brief such that in future he would no longer be responsible for the majority of entertainment films.
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But from the end of 1934 onward, Goebbels himself pursued a few film projects he wanted to recommend to the film industry as models of the great “art film” of the future. Joseph Goebbels was determined to go down in German film history as a kind of inspirational force. In November 1934 he held a conference with film creators in which he presented three projects: a film about Oliver Cromwell; a movie based on the Wars of Liberation in the Napoleonic period; and an epic about the years 1918 to 1932. Two further projects were soon added: a Joan of Arc film and an “emigration film,” with Luis Trenker to direct.
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In February 1935, in connection with the opening of the Berlin Reich Film Archive, Goebbels gave a speech singing his own praises as reformer of the German film. He declared that in current productions he felt the lack “of the artistically and ideologically assured film.” Also lacking, however, was the “good, skillful, witty and spirited, or superior satirical, German entertainment film.” The various measures instituted by the regime since 1933 to promote film (founding the Film Bank, introduction of the film dramaturge, the prospect of film prizes, and so on) had “not led to conspicuous success in the area of film.”
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Only one of his big projects, mentioned once more by Goebbels in this speech, seems to have been realized. In 1935 the movie
Das Mädchen Johanna
(The Girl Joan) was released, dealing with the Joan of Arc theme. Goebbels had followed the project with great interest and enthusiasm,
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but the finished product was a disappointment to him, and—more decisively—it disappointed Hitler too, ruling it out for the National Prize.
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This put an end to Goebbels’s efforts to exert his influence on “film creation” through the promotion of certain exemplary projects.

At an “international” film congress in April 1935—only Germany, Austria, and Czechoslovakia were represented, in point of fact—Goebbels set out seven “principles” for the future German film. He particularly complained about the stage-bound nature of the German film—which in terms of international comparisons was indeed one of its principal aesthetic shortcomings. He also called on the film
industry to “liberate itself from the vulgar triviality of mere mass amusement.” Film must, “like any other art, be topical in order to have a topical impact.” In practice it was evident that such generalized, often complacent advice from the propaganda minister hardly offered the film industry any kind of guidance.
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The same was true of his efforts to regulate film criticism. In December, when he invited critics from the various cultural sectors to the Propaganda Ministry, all he had to offer was a series of platitudes, with one fact emerging for sure: The cultural activities subsidized and regulated by the dictatorship could not be reconciled with art criticism.
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On December 15, 1935, Goebbels gave another set-piece lecture at the Kroll Opera to “film creators.”
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Here he accepted in principle the justification for “entertainment films” but was critical of their “stupidity” and the “assembly-line production of those who followed the same formula.” Almost three years after the “seizure of power,” this was a fairly damning indictment of his own impact on filmmaking,
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despite the fact that, by changing the Cinema Law and by virtue of orders given by Hitler in the course of 1935, he had succeeded in strengthening his censorship powers in film considerably.
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Since all his exhortations, principles, and guidelines had essentially failed to improve the quality of films, in 1936 he decided to take direct control of the big studios.

In all his activities in the media and cultural fields, one thing above all was decisive for Goebbels: his close relationship with Hitler, with whom he regularly discussed individual measures within his sphere of operations and whose taste in art and personal preferences shaped his work. So it was devastating for him to see that in autumn 1934 the Goebbelses’ personal relationship with Hitler was in a state of crisis.

In the middle of October he noticed with consternation that Hitler had suddenly become distant with him, although he could not identify the cause of this behavior. On October 15 he noted in his diary: “Führer does not call at suppertime. We have the feeling that somebody is influencing him against us. We are both very pained by it. Go to bed with a heavy heart.” When he met Hitler the next day he observed
that he was “somewhat reserved” toward him. They thought Magda might be able to help, but when she tried to arrange a meeting with him “to clear things up,” Hitler could not spare the time. Her attempts over the next few days to get access to Hitler were, as Goebbels meticulously recorded, likewise “unsuccessful.”
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When she finally succeeded in reaching him a few days later, she learned from Hitler that he had been the victim of a “gossip” campaign instigated by Frau Schirach and had therefore decided to be more reserved in company from now on: “No more ladies in the Reich Chancellery.” Eventually, Hitler repeated the story to Goebbels in private. When Goebbels asked whether he, too, should be more withdrawn in social terms, Hitler does not seem to have given him a direct answer but simply reassured Goebbels in a general way that he had “complete confidence in him.” Goebbels found it “painful that there should be a shadow over our friendship. I’m quite depressed. Yet as innocent in the matter as a newborn child.”
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Although Goebbels soon resumed his old routine at the Reich Chancellery, he recorded that he was suffering from this tense situation. He was not alone: “Magda has become ill over it.”
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The episode reveals clearly how profoundly dependent they both were on Hitler emotionally: The mere suspicion that they were losing favor with the Führer was enough to plunge both of them into a real depression.

Shortly afterward Goebbels had a serious argument with Magda that tested the strength of their marriage. The cause is not clear; from the relevant passage of the diary, which is scarcely legible, it seems that it had to do with the question of “her offspring”—with Harald, that is. In the spring there had been a heated argument between Goebbels and Harald’s father, Günther Quandt, about which of his parents Harald should live with in future. It is possible that this argument, which Goebbels claimed in the diary was settled in his favor, had further consequences.
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In any case, as Goebbels wrote on November 20, Magda wanted to “get away from me,” but he also wrote that he was not giving in over the vexed question. She was already packing her bags; there was a “state of war” between them.
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On Perritence and Prayer Day the argument escalated into a “disaster”: “Against my wishes, she left for Dresden after an abrupt goodbye. So the break has happened.” After a long talk with Magda’s sister-in-law Ello, from whom he learned some “quite unpalatable
details,” he came to the conclusion that the separation was unavoidable. In the diary he gave full rein to self-pity and the next morning compelled himself to make a final attempt to bring Magda to heel: “Order immediate return. She is cheeky, very unsure of herself. If she doesn’t obey, I’ll take steps.”
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But Magda did submit, and returned from her Dresden exile. Then, however, there was another “serious confrontation”: They were on the point of divorce when she finally gave way, and promised to make it “a better marriage.” Goebbels, too, came around, admitting, “I’ve made mistakes as well. Everlasting conflict: marriage/Party.”
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His relationship with Magda became a good deal more harmonious in the New Year; one reason was that Magda was pregnant again.
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With the gradual entrenchment of the regime and the development of the Propaganda Ministry into an organization controlling and directing the German public sphere, Goebbels was inclined to accentuate more and more the importance of his position, no longer avoiding outward display. The conspicuous austerity he had made such an effort to maintain, even in 1933, was now gradually being discarded.

As head of the Propaganda Ministry, Goebbels placed great importance on an imposing style. The Hohenzollern palace that housed his ministry contained several grand and lavishly appointed historic rooms, which Goebbels used for big formal occasions and celebrations,
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such as the reception in connection with the annual Berlin Automobile Exhibition,
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or in November, when his Reich Cultural Senate had its conference.
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Once the ministry’s theater had been enlarged in 1938, regular performances took place there.
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In contrast to the years before 1933, when he cultivated his anti-bourgeois image by wearing a leather jacket or a worn trench coat, as a minister Goebbels thought it important to wear carefully chosen, elegant clothing. Photographs from the years between 1933 and 1939 mostly show him in impeccable suits of superior quality. He was always suitably attired for the occasion, whether at soirées or at leisure, as a boat owner for example.
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The wardrobes in his various dwellings were neatly organized: In his official residence in Göringstrasse, aside from a variety of uniforms, he had 3 tailcoats, 4 tuxedos, 3 suits for afternoon wear, 1 frock coat, another 30 suits, 13 pairs of outdoor gloves, and 12 pairs of white dress gloves.
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And Goebbels was intent that his staff be well dressed too: In autumn
1937 he gave his top officials an allowance of 1,000 Reichsmarks to buy “better clothes.”
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The Goebbels couple became increasingly accustomed to the luxury that went with their exalted social position. Between March and June 1935 their home in Göringstrasse underwent structural alterations, following plans drawn up by Albert Speer.
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As one of their first visitors after the rebuilding, Hitler was “enthusiastic” about the result.
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Among the amenities enjoyed there was a television set, installed in February 1935; the propaganda minister loved watching it with his family, although broadcasting was limited to a few hours and was still at the test stage.
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In October 1934 he took delivery of a new 5-liter limousine (“a noble, fiery beast”);
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in February 1935 he bought Magda a “wonderful new car,” a Mercedes he had seen at the Automobile Exhibition; and for himself he acquired a new Horch in May.
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In other respects his lifestyle was less opulent. In culinary matters Goebbels continued to be undemanding;
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in all of his diaries there is not a single mention of the quality of the food he consumed. He had avoided alcohol since embarking on his political career; only when he had a cold did he comsume a few glasses to put himself into a deep sleep. Smoking, on the other hand, was something he could never shake off, despite various attempts to give up.
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During spring and summer the Goebbels family stayed at their summer home in Kladow.
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At the end of March a new boat arrived; what Goebbels called a “real recreation facility.”
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As in the previous year, Hitler was among the guests he entertained on the boat.
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His close relationship with Hitler, which in October had been temporarily threatened by a growing coolness, had now been restored. Since the end of 1934, Goebbels had been observing the state of Hitler’s health with growing anxiety. In December Hitler was so gravely ill that Goebbels—who suspected poisoning—already feared the worst when Hitler settled the question of his successor by means of an emergency act passed by the cabinet but never subsequently published.
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He repeatedly resolved to find a really good doctor for Hitler.
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A few months later he was afraid that a serious throat problem indicated that Hitler had cancer. But in June it transpired that this was a benign growth.
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He also worried once more about Hitler’s private life. At the end of January he stayed in his apartment in the Reich Chancellery until
3
A.M.
:
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“He tells me about his lonely, joyless private life. Without women, without love, always full of memories of Geli.” A few days later Hitler came back to the topic: “Women, marriage, love, and loneliness.” And with obvious pride Goebbels remarked: “It’s only me he talks to like this.”
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The restoration of the old harmony also had the result that Goebbels now continued to cater to all of Hitler’s wishes, even when they made deep inroads into his private life. By way of example: In April 1935 Julius Schaub, Hitler’s adjutant, called, telling Goebbels that he and his wife were to present themselves the next day in Munich. There Hitler, who had just undergone a turbulent flight, brought him together with the English fascist leader Oswald Mosley, chatted with Goebbels for a while about his foreign policy, and then released him to return to Berlin, where Goebbels arrived the same afternoon. He spent the night in a hotel—as his official residence was being rebuilt—working late into the evening. The diary does not reveal why Hitler summoned Magda to Munich.
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