Henry IV (82 page)

⁴
M. Bent, ‘Old Hall Manuscript’, in
New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians
, ed. S. Sadie and J. Tyrrell (2nd edn, 2001), xviii.376–9. The manuscript is BL Add. MS 57,950 (‘Roy Henry’ inscriptions on fos. 12v and 80v); Caldwell,
Oxford History of English Music I
, 114–15. It may be that in a manuscript composed during his son's reign, Henry IV would have been referred to as ‘Roy Henry le pere’, or ‘le quart’.

⁵
Compare Harrison,
Music in Medieval Britain
, 221, who argued for Henry IV as ‘Roy Henry’, claiming that ‘there is no contemporary evidence for Henry V's musical ability’, but noted that strings were bought in 1397–8 for the future Henry V's zither (
cithara
): DL 28/1/6, fo. 36v.

⁶
Bugby was retained in 1401 for £5 a year
pur apprendre et enformer les enfants de notre chapelle en la science de gramaire
(Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, iv.208);
Liber Regie Capelle
, ed. W. Ullmann with a Note on the Music by D. H. Turner (Henry Bradshaw Society 92, Cambridge, 1961), 57, 66; A. Cobban,
The King's Hall within the University of Cambridge in the Later Middle Ages
(Cambridge, 1969), 19–20, 60–4 (who also noted, p. 186, that John Cooke, one of the Old Hall composers, was a clerk of the chapel in 1402–3).

⁷
A. McHardy, ‘The Chapel Royal in the Reign of Henry V’, in
Henry V: New Interpretations
, 128–56, at pp. 138–42; G. Harriss, ‘The Court of the Lancastrian Kings’, in
The Lancastrian Court: Proceedings of the 2001 Harlaxton Symposium
, ed. J. Stratford (Donnington, 2003), 1–18, at p. 13.

⁸
Ralph Bradfield, keeper of the king's books, was a valet of the royal chamber (Summerson, ‘An English Bible’, 109–15;
CPR 1408–13
, 470); for Eltham, see below, p. 389.

⁹
Passing references to Henry's books include a chest full of books buried by John Holand at Dartington (Devon) and forfeited after his execution in 1400 (E 101/699/25), and a payment to Alice Drax of London for binding some royal books in July 1411 (E 403/608, 23 July).

¹⁰
L. Staley,
Languages of Power in the Age of Richard II
(Philadelphia, 2005), 347.

¹¹
J. Stratford, ‘The Royal Library in England before the Reign of Edward IV’, in
England in the Fifteenth Century
, ed. N. Rogers (Stamford, 1994), 187–97; Summerson, ‘An English Bible’, 115. Henry also borrowed a copy of Gregory the Great's works from Archbishop Arundel (Aston,
Thomas Arundel
, 319n).

¹²
J. Lutkin, ‘Goldsmiths and the English Royal Court 1360–1413’ (unpublished PhD thesis, Royal Holloway and Bedford New College, 2008), 117. I am grateful to Jessica Lutkin for sending me a copy of her thesis;
De Illustribus Henricis
, 111.

¹³
Treasures of a Lost Art
(Metropolitan Museum of New York, 2003), 58–9. It is displayed in the
Studium Biblicum Francescanum
, Jerusalem.

¹⁴
BL Royal 1 E IX. It was one of the main display items in the British Library's 2011 exhibition
Royal: The Manuscripts of the Kings and Queens of England
.

¹⁵
As argued by Stratford, ‘The Royal Library in England’, 193–7.

¹⁶
Somerville,
Duchy of Lancaster
, i.177;
Monstrelet
, ii.337; for their tutors in 1397–9, see above, p. 306. Henry also maintained the usual thirty-two scholars at Cambridge during his reign (E 28/8, no. 6; E 101/405/14, fos. 20–1).

¹⁷
Johannis Lelandi
, I (2), 310:
in palatiis quae aedificavit rex Henricus nullus in regibus eo gloriosor in diebus suis
(anonymous). Henry completed Richard II's great rebuilding of Westminster Hall under the direction of his master-mason, Henry Yevele, added a new gate to the palace, ‘facing the king's highway, to the west’, and built new defensive towers at Calais and Southampton, the latter stocked with guns; there were, as ever, constant repairs and maintenance; the council noted in 1411 that £1,000 needed to be spent ‘for repairing castles and manors’: H. Colvin, R. Allen Brown and A. Taylor,
History of the King's Works: The Middle Ages
(2 vols, London, 1963), i.199, 532–3; E 403/608, 12 and 15 May 1411;
POPC
, ii.11.

¹⁸
Colvin et al.,
King's Works
, ii.69, 2–3.

¹⁹
See Itinerary pp. 542–5. He spent Christmas at Windsor in 1402 and at Abingdon in 1403, probably because Eltham was being reconstructed, but the only time after 1403 that he was not at Eltham for Christmas was in 1410; he also spent Easter there four times and paid many other visits. For the duke of York's escapade, above, p. 264.

²⁰
E 101/404/18, mm. 2, 4.

²¹
Colvin et al.,
King's Works
, ii.930–7; DL 28/1/4, fo. 17v (chessboard); E 101/502/21 and 23 (desks and glazing).

²²
E 101/496/7; E 28/14, no. 234. For Herland and Tuttemond, see E 404/24, nos. 103, 497.

²³
E 101/502/21.

²⁴
Brown, ‘Authorization of Letters under the Great Seal’, 125–56; Dodd, ‘Patronage, Petitions and Grace’, 126, points out that ‘grace’ could in practice mean back payment for wages still owing; in 1404–5, the payment of annuities became more of an act of grace than a right. When Maude Merlond, a poor
oratrice
from Portugal, asked the king for permission to take one rabbit a week from Sumbury park for her sustenance, the king told her she could take two (E 28/9, no. 73).

²⁵
G. Dodd,
Justice and Grace: Private Petitioning and the English Parliament in the Late Middle Ages
(Oxford, 2007), 236–7.

²⁶
Dodd, ‘Patronage, Petitions and Grace’, 115–16. When the king imprisoned rather than beheaded forty-five men after the Epiphany rising, ‘it was said to them that they should sue before the king himself
through their friends
in the meantime in order to have charters of the said king concerning their aforesaid grace and pardon’ (E 37/28).

²⁷
Foedera
, viii.282; this was endorsed by the commons in the thirty-one articles of 1406 (
PROME
, viii.370); by 1424 it meant that petitions were received on a Wednesday and answered on a Friday (
Select Cases in King's Council
, ed. Leadam and Baldwin, xvi, xix).

²⁸
Saul,
Richard II
, 453–4.

²⁹
Nuttall,
Creation of Lancastrian Kingship
, 130; note also the almost chatty way in which Henry's parliaments were reported in the
Continuatio Eulogii
(
CE
, 395, 399, 409).

³⁰
G. Stow, ‘Richard II in the
Continuatio Eulogii
: Yet Another Alleged Historical Incident?’,
Fourteenth-Century England V
, ed. N. Saul (Woodbridge, 2008), 116–29; Dodd, ‘Patronage, Petitions and Grace’, 105.

³¹
BL Add. MS 35,295, fo. 262r (
Et omni popolo regni sui in visu fuerat affectuosus ita ut eius faciem, amicis dulcem, insidis terribilem, per multas civitates pingeretur et formeretur in locis spectabilibus ut sic quod ad eum sepius posset populus intueri, et eius formam faciei vultumque videre
).

³²
Henry employed four ‘king's painters’, all Londoners, but their recorded output consisted of banners, shields, the gaily painted royal barges and other such practical tasks: Thomas Gloucester (life appointment from 1400: E 28/8, no. 18); Thomas Prince (annuity of £30 for his office in 1401: E 403/569, 26 March); Thomas Wright and Thomas Kent (E 101/405/22, fo. 30; E 403/612, 20 May);
The Navy of the Lancastrian Kings
, ed. S. Rose (Navy Records Society, 123, London, 1982), 17–18, 82.

³³
J. Watts, ‘Looking for the State in Medieval England’, in
Heraldry, Pageantry and Social Display in Medieval England
, ed. P. Coss and M. Keen (Woodbridge, 2002), 243–67.

³⁴
RHKA
, 236–43; Saul, ‘The Commons and the Abolition of Badges’, 302–15.

³⁵
PROME
, viii.148–9.

³⁶
DL 28/4/1, fo. 15v; D. Fletcher, ‘The Lancastrian Collar of Esses: Its Origins and Transformation down the Centuries’, in
The Age of Richard II
, ed. J. Gillespie (New York, 1997), 191–204.

³⁷
The case of the Scottish esquire Richard Maghlyn is instructive: he was granted a collar in 1408 when he did homage to Henry, but was not formally retained for a further year (
RHKA
, 235).

³⁸
Henry V also had a second ‘signet of the eagle’, in use from 1413 (
Signet Letters
, 4, 8; DL 28/4/8, fo. 12v).

³⁹
See the king's jewel accounts of 1401–3 (E 101/404/18 and 22; also BL Harleian Ms 319, fo. 42r). Henry inherited many artefacts with Richard II's livery signs on them, but often had them reworked before giving them away (Stratford,
Richard II and the English Royal Treasure
, 119).

⁴⁰
Walker,
Lancastrian Affinity
, 94–6; E 403/589, 3 Nov. 1406; E 403/605, 28 Sept. 1410.

⁴¹
Lutkin, ‘Goldsmiths and the English Royal Court’, 155.

⁴²
E 403/589, 3 Nov. 1406; Lutkin, ‘Goldsmiths and the English Royal Court’, 155–8.

⁴³
In 1407, five collars cost £1 13s and thirteen cost £4 4s (E 403/591, 13 and 18 July); in 1403, seven cost £2 13s and twelve cost £4 8s. However, Sir Walter Hungerford valued his collar at £20 (
CPR 1399–1401
, 385).

⁴⁴
Fletcher, ‘The Lancastrian Collar of Esses’, 202.

⁴⁵
Above, p. 89.

⁴⁶
Vale,
English Gascony
, 37;
SAC II
, 286–7; see also
CPR 1405–8
, 277 (the seizure of one of Thomas Mowbray's collars in 1399) and
CPR 1399–1401
, 385 (the seizure of Walter Hungerford's collar in 1400).

⁴⁷
Above, p. 149.

⁴⁸
Pilbrow, ‘The Knights of the Bath’,
passim
.

⁴⁹
Henry was the first king to nominate European rulers for the Garter; all three had close kinship ties to the English royal family, although his choices were also designed to strengthen diplomatic relations.

⁵⁰
H. Collins,
The Order of the Garter 1348–1461
(Oxford, 2000), 109–18, 292–3 (list).

⁵¹
R. Barber,
Edward III and the Triumph of England
(London, 2013), 280, 295–6, 468; E 403/571, 9 Dec. 1399;
CPR 1408–13
, 265, 394;
The Inventories of St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, 1384–1667
, ed. M. Bond (Windsor, 1947), 44.

⁵²
Collins,
Order of the Garter
, 16 and n. 41.

⁵³
Henry also had St George represented on his great seal and in his stained glass at Eltham: J. Good,
The Cult of St George in Medieval England
(Woodbridge, 2009), 81.

⁵⁴
Collins,
Order of the Garter
, 242–3; Given-Wilson, ‘Quarrels of Old Women’, 37–8.

⁵⁵
Collins,
Order of the Garter
, 92–107, 301–3; no ladies received robes before 1405 or after 1409.

⁵⁶
E 403/596, 4 Dec. 1408.

⁵⁷
John Milner (personal communication).

⁵⁸
CPR 1408–13
, 267, 315.

⁵⁹
R. Dennys,
Heraldry and the Heralds
(London, 1982), 102–3.

⁶⁰
POPC
, ii.11; Collins,
Order of the Garter
, 31–2, 118, 213, 216, 262.

⁶¹
Good,
Cult of St George
, 82.

⁶²
E 101/405/25, m. 2A; E 403/606, 23 March 1411;
SAC II
, 608–10;
POPC
, ii.33, 120;
CPR 1405–8
, 361;
CPR 1408–13
, 321. In August 1411 a council was summoned to discuss the king's plan to go abroad (E 403/608, 28 Aug. 1411).

⁶³
Lloyd,
England and the German Hanse
, 124; below, p. 516 (Jerusalem in 1413).

⁶⁴
Original Letters
, i.5 5–6; Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, i.313–15.

⁶⁵
Referred to as the king's eastern correspondence, these letters were in fact endorsed ‘Jerusalem’ and would be better described as his Jerusalem correspondence (BL Cotton Nero B XI, fos. 172–5, endorsement on fo. 173v). Greenlaw left England in February 1403. The letters are printed in
RHL I
, 419–28.

⁶⁶
See the letter to Henry from Queen Anglesia of Cyprus offering to intercede with her brother, the duke of Milan (
RHL II
, 21 Feb. 1405), and the decree of the Venetian Senate in 1407 commenting on Henry's goodwill towards the republic (
Calendar of State Papers Venice
, i. no. 155).

⁶⁷
He wrote to Enrique of Castile urging him to support the Hospitallers at Rhodes following a visit by the prior of the Hospital to England in 1410 (BL Harleian MS 431, fo. 12;
Foedera
, viii.654); see also his letter to the pope concerning the Grand-Master of the Teutonic Knights and his support for the building of Bodrum castle (above, p. 397).

⁶⁸
BL Add. MS 35,295, fo. 262r;
De Illustribus Henricis
, 99–101.

⁶⁹
SAC II
, 302–4. They were Charles de Savoisy and Hector de Pombriant; Walsingham described them as ‘arrogant and abusive’, but thought one of them to be Italian, perhaps because Sir Richard Arundel did joust with an Italian in the same year. The mayor and aldermen of York erected a chamber for the king,
pour veier certeines poyntz darmes faitz deinz le palaice lerchevesques
(E 101/502/22).