The silence with which western European social democrats greeted the atrocities in the Balkans—a faraway region of which they preferred to remain ignorant—has not been forgotten by the victims. Social democrats need to learn once again how to think beyond their borders: there is something deeply incoherent about a radical politics grounded in aspirations to equality or social justice that is deaf to broader ethical challenges and humanitarian ideals.
George Orwell once observed that “[t]he thing that attracts ordinary men to Socialism and makes them willing to risk their skins for it, the ‘mystique’ of Socialism, is the idea of equality.”
38
This is still the case. It is the growing
inequality
in and between societies that generates so many social pathologies. Grotesquely unequal societies are also unstable societies. They generate internal division and, sooner or later, internal strife—usually with undemocratic outcomes.
I found it particularly reassuring to learn, from my twelve year old interlocutor, that such matters are once again being discussed by schoolchildren—even if mention of ‘socialism’ does bring the conversation to a shuddering halt. When I began university teaching, in 1971, students spoke obsessively of socialism, revolution, class conflict and the like—usually with reference to what was then called ‘the third world’: nearer to home, these matters appeared largely resolved. Over the course of the next two decades, the conversation retreated to more self-referential concerns: feminism, gay rights and identity politics. Among the more politically sophisticated, there emerged an interest in human rights and the resurgent language of ‘civil society’. For a brief moment around 1989, young people in western universities were drawn to liberation efforts not only in eastern Europe and China but also in Latin America and South Africa: liberty— from enslavement, coercion, repression and atrocity—was the great theme of the day.
And then came the ’90s: the first of two lost decades, during which fantasies of prosperity and limitless personal advancement displaced all talk of political liberation, social justice or collective action. In the English-speaking world, the selfish amoralism of Thatcher and Reagan—“Enrichissez-vous!”, in the words of the 19th century French statesman Guizot—gave way to the vacant phrase-making of baby-boom politicians. Under Clinton and Blair, the Atlantic world stagnated smugly.
Until the late ’80s, it was quite uncommon to encounter promising students who expressed any interest in attending business school. Indeed, business schools themselves were largely unknown outside of North America. Today, the aspiration—and the institution—are commonplace. And in the classroom, the enthusiasm of an earlier generation for radical politics has given way to blank mystification. In 1971 almost everyone was, or wanted to be thought, some sort of a ‘Marxist’. By the year 2000, few undergraduates had any idea what that even meant, much less why it was once so appealing.
So it would be pleasing to conclude with the thought that we are on the brink of a new age, and that the selfish decades lie behind us. But were my students of the 1990s and after truly selfish? Assured from all quarters that radical change lay in the past, they saw around them no examples to follow, no arguments to engage and no goals to pursue. If the purpose of life as lived by everyone you see is to succeed in business, then this will become the default goal of all but the most independent young person. As we know from Tolstoy, “[t]here are no conditions of life to which a man cannot get accustomed, especially if he sees them accepted by everyone around him.”
In writing this book, I hope I have offered some guidance to those—the young especially—trying to articulate their objections to our way of life. However, this is not enough. As citizens of a free society, we have a duty to look critically at our world. But if we think we know what is wrong, we must
act
upon that knowledge. Philosophers, it was famously observed, have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it.
1
The best recent statement of this argument comes in Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett,
The Spirit Level: Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better
(London: Allen Lane, 2009). I am indebted to them for much of the material in this section.
2
Adam Smith,
The Theory of Moral Sentiments
(Mineola, NY: Dover Publication Classics, 2006, original publication 1759), p. 59. 3 Ibid., p. 58.
3
Avner Offer,
The Challenge of Affluence: Self-Control and Well-Being in the United States and Britain since 1950
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 7.
4
T. H. Marshall,
Citizenship and Social Class
(London: Pluto Press, 1991), p. 48.
5
Anthony Crosland,
The Future of Socialism
(London: Jonathan Cape, 1956), pp. 105, 65.
6
Robert Leighninger,
Long-Range Public Investment: The Forgotten Legacy of the New Deal
(Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2007), pp. 117, 169.
7
Neil Gilbert,
The Transformation of the Welfare State: The Silent Surrender of Public Responsibility
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 135.
8
Marquis de Condorcet, Reflexions sur le commerce des bles (1776) in
Oeuvres de Condorcet
(Paris: Firmin Didot, 1847-1849), p. 231. Quoted in Emma Rothschild,
Economic Sentiments: Adam Smith, Condorcet and the Enlightenment
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), p. 78.
9
Michael Oakeshott,
Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays
(New York: Basic Books, 1962), p. 56.
10
Quoted in Sheri Berman,
The Primacy of Politics: Social Democracy and the Making of Europe’s Twentieth Century
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 207.
11
Ralf Dahrendorf, “The End of the Social Democratic Consensus” in
Life Chances
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), pp. 108-9
.
12
Malachi Hacohen, Karl Popper,
The Formative Years, 1902-1945: Politics and Philosophy in Inter-war Vienna
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 379.
13
Friedrich Hayek,
The Road to Serfdom
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944), p. 196.
14
Anthony Crosland,
op. cit.,
p. 500.
15
Michael Oakeshott,
op. cit.,
p. 26.
16
Quoted in Robert Skidelsky,
John Maynard Keynes: Volume 2: The Economist as Savior, 1920-1937
(New York: Penguin, 1995), p. 570.
17
Daniel Bell,
The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism
(New York: Basic Books, 1976), p. 275.
18
Massimo Florio,
The Great Divestiture: Evaluating the Welfare Impact of the British Privatizations 1979-1997
(Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2006), p. 342.
19
In its last year of operation, 1994, state-owned British Rail cost the taxpayer £950 million ($1.5 billion). By 2008, Network Rail, its semiprivate successor company, cost taxpayers £5 billion ($7.8 billion).
20
Albert O. Hirschman,
Shifting Involvements: Private Interest and Public Action
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982), p. 126.
21
Bernard Williams,
Philosophy as a Humanistic Discipline
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), p. 144.
22
Beatrice Webb,
My Apprenticeship
(London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1926), p. 137.
23
José Harris,
William Beveridge: A Biography
(Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1977), p. 119.
24
Ralf Dahrendorf,
op. cit.,
p. 124.
25
John Maynard Keynes,
Two Memoirs—Dr. Melchior, a Defeated Enemy and My Early Beliefs
(New York: A. M. Kelly, 1949), p. 156.
26
Fred Hirsch,
The Social Limits to Growth
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), p.66, note 19.
27
José Harris,
op. cit.
, p. 73.
28
Adam Smith,
op. cit.,
p. 20.
29
John Maynard Keynes,
The Economic Consequences of the Peace, in The End of Laissez-Faire and the Economic Consequences of the Peace
(Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2004), p. 62.
30
Pankaj Mishra, “Myth of the New India,”
New York Times,
July 6, 2006.
31
James C. Scott,
Seeing Like a State
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), p. 7.
32
Friedrich Hayek,
op. cit.,
p. 87
.
33
Michael Oakeshott,
op. cit.,
p. 405.
34
Keynes,
The End of Laissez-Faire,
p. 37
.
35
Quoted in Malachi Hacohen,
op. cit.,
p. 502.
36
Quoted in Emma Rothschild,
op. cit.,
p. 239.
37
Bernard Williams,
op. cit.,
p. 134.
38
George Orwell,
Homage to Catalonia
(New York: Mariner Books, 1980, original publication 1938), p. 104.