In an Antique Land (55 page)

91
Membership … involved binding understandings:
The economy of Fatimid Egypt was, to use Goitein's words, largely a ‘paper economy'—that is payments were generally made not in cash, but by debt transfers, letters of credit and orders of payment. Cf. S. D. Goitein, ‘Changes in the Middle East (950–1150)', p. 19; ‘Bankers Accounts from the Eleventh Century AD', pp. 28–68; and
A Mediterranean Society
, Vol. I, pp. 241–62. See also W. J. Fischel, ‘The Spice Trade in Mamluk Egypt', p. 170; and A. L. Udovitch, ‘Commercial Techniques', p.53–61. Ben Yiju's papers and accounts suggest that this paper economy was not localized in Egypt or the Middle East. There are several references in Ben Yiu's papers to credit arrangements between himself, his friends in Aden and Indian merchants.

92
Common sense suggests … the language:
The cultural and linguistic
diversity of the regions surrounding the Indian Ocean were represented in microcosm in all its major ports. A Portuguese observer, Tomé Pires, who spent two and a half years in Malacca at the beginning of the sixteenth century, reported that eighty-four languages could be heard in the streets of that city—Babel realized! (Cf. Paul Wheatley,
The Golden Khersonese
, p. 312). Taken at face value, that figure would suggest that communication had effectively ceased in Malacca—or that it was possible only within tiny speech communities.

93
Given what we know:
See Kees Versteegh,
Pidginization and Creolization: The Case of Arabic
, p. 114 (
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory: 33
, Amsterdam, 1984); and Keith Whinnom, ‘Lingue France: Historical Problems', p. 296 (in A.Valdman (ed.)
Pidgin and Creole Linguistics
, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1977).

94
The Arab geographer Mas'udi:
S. Muhammad Husayn Nainar,
The Knowledge of India Possessed by Arab Geographers down to the 14th. century AD with special reference to Southern India
, p. 95 (Madras University Islamic Series, University of Madras, 1942).

95
Ben Yiju's usage:
See for example, Mas'udi,
Murûj
, Vol. I, p. 163, and Al-Idrisi,
Kitâb
, Vol. I, pp. 162–183. The names ‘
în' and ‘China' may of course derive from Sanskrit and Prakrit words (see the article ‘The Name China' by Berthold Laufer in
T'oung Pao
, II/13, pp. 719–26, 1912, and Paul Pelliot's article ‘L'Origine du nom de ', in the same issue (pp. 727–742).

96
India, … as the Arab geographers well knew:
G. Ferrand,
Voyage du Marchand Arabe Sulayman
, p. 48; and Mas'udi,
Murûj
, p. 162.

97
For several centuries … a king called the Ballahrâ:
Several medieval Arab geographers and travel writers asserted that the ‘Ballahrâ' was India's ‘king of kings', the pre-eminent ruler in the land. Thus, Ibn Khurda-dhbih, writing in the ninth century remarked ‘the greatest king of India is the Ballahrâ or king of kings,' while one of his contemporaries noted: “The Ballahrâ is the most noble of the princes of India; the Indians recognise his superiority.' (Gabriel Ferrand,
Relations de Voyages et Textes Géographiques, Arabes, Persanes et Turks, Relatifs à l'Extrème-Orient du VIIIe au XVIIIe Siècles
, Vol. I, pp. 22 & 42, Ernest Leroux, Paris, 1913). Mas'udi, writing in the tenth century, observed: ‘The most powerful of the kings of India is the Ballahra, the lord of the city of Mankir. Most Indian chiefs turn towards him when they say their prayers.' (
Murûj
, Vol. I, p. 177). Al-Idrisi was to add his considerable authority to these statements a couple of
centuries later (see
Kitâb
, p. 47, and G. Ferrand,
Relations
, p. 196). See also André Miquel,
La Géographie humaine du Monde Musulman jusqu'au milieu du 11e siècle
, Vol. II, p. 84 (Mouton, Paris, 1975).

98
An eminent scholar:
S. M. H. Nainar,
The Knowledge of India
, pp. 138–140.

99
.… small kingdoms and principalities:
As Ibn Battuta put it: ‘In (the Malabar) there are twelve infidel sultans, some of them strong with armies numbering fifty thousand men, and others weak with armies of three thousand. Yet there is no discord whatever between them, and the strong does not desire to seize the possessions of the weak.' (
Travels
, p. 232).

100
The place … known as ‘Jurbattan':
S. M. H. Nainar,
The Knowledge of India
, p. 41.

101
After about two days … ‘Budfattan':
S. M. H. Nainar,
The Knowledge of India
, pp. 29–30. The town is also known as Valarapattanam.

102
For much of the distance:
Ibn Battuta,
Travels
, p. 232.

103
‘Dahfattan' … lies:
S. M. H. Nainar,
The Knowledge of India
, p. 32. The town is also known as Dharmapattanam.

104
A little further … Pantalayini Kollam:
S. M. H. Nainar,
The Knowledge of India
, p. 35.

105
Cabrai delivered a letter:
Cf. K. N. Chaudhuri,
Trade and Civilisation
, p. 68.

106
The Portuguese fleet sailed:
Cf. R. S. Whiteway,
The Rise of Portuguese Power in India 1497–1550
, pp. 86–7.

107
A year … later … da Gama returned:
Cf. George D. Winius, ‘From Discovery to Conquest', p. 224, (in
Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415–1580
, by Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1977).

108
‘The heathen [of Gujarat]':
Quoted by M. N. Pearson, in ‘Indian Seafarers in the Sixteenth Century', p. 121.

109
‘between resistance and submission':
M. N. Pearson,
Merchants and Rulers
, p. 69. See also C. R. Boxer,
The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825
, p. 46 (A. A. Knopf, New York, 1969).

110
As far as the Portuguese were concerned:
In 1595 Philip II of Spain took matters a step farther and ‘decreed that no non-Christian resident in Western India could trade, either directly or through an intermediary, to places other than those on the Western India coast.' (M. N. Pearson,
Merchants and Rulers
, p. 53).

111
In 1509
AD
:
See M. N. Pearson,
Merchants and Rulers
, p. 31; George
D. Winius, p. 240–1 (in
Foundations of the Portuguese Empire)
and S. A. I. Tirmizi, ‘Portuguese problems under the Muzaffarids' (in
Some Aspects of Medieval Gujarat
, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1968).

1
The news … from Ifriqiya:
H. Wieruszowski, ‘The Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Crusades', p. 22.

2
‘Shaikh Abû
Is
âq:
T–S 18 J 4, fol. 18, recto, lines 33–5.

3
‘Concerning the news':
T–S Misc. Box 25, fragm. 103, recto, lines 27–9.

4
‘My master [Ben Yiju]':
T–S 13 J 7, fol. 27, recto, lines 15–18. Altogether, five of Ben Yiju's letters, three from Khalaf ibn Ishaq and two from Yusuf ibn Abraham, refer to Mubashshir. These letters appear to have been written over a relatively short period of time. The last in the sequence is probably the letter of MS H.6 (from Khalaf ibn Ishaq) which has been dated by Strauss as having been written in 1148
AD
. Another letter from Khalaf, (T–S Misc. Box 24, fragm. 103) has been dated to 1147 by S. D. Goitein (cf. S. Shaked,
Tentative Bibliography
, pp. 147). Since Mubashshir's stay in Egypt was probably not a very long one, it seems likely that the others were written in the couple of years immediately preceding 1147. The five letters are: T–S 12.235 (from Yusuf ibn Abraham); T–S 13 J 7, fol. 27 (from Yusuf ibn Abraham); T–S 18 J 4, fol. 18, (from Khalaf ibn Ishaq); T–S Misc. Box 25, fragm. 103, (from Khalaf ibn Ishaq); MS H.6, E. Strauss, ‘Documents', (from Khalaf ibn Ishaq).

5
‘As for the news':
T–S 13 J 7, fol. 27, recto, lines 18–19;

6
Disease and famine had followed:
Cf. H. Wieruszowski, ‘The Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Crusades', p. 23.

7
In western Europe:
Cf. Virginia G. Berry, ‘The Second Crusade', p. 463–512, in K. M. Setton (Gen. ed.)
A History of the Crusades
, Vol. I, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1969.

8
‘Behold the days of reckoning':
The Jews and the Crusaders (The Hebrew Chronicles of the First and Second Crusades)
, p. 123, (translated and edited by Shlomo Eidelberg, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1977).

9
They were relatively lucky:
H, Z. Hirschberg,
History of the Jews in
North Africa
, p. 128, and ‘The Almohade Persecutions and the India Trade', in
Yitzhak F. Baer Jubilee Volume
(ed. S. W. Baeon et. al., History Society of Israel, Jerusalem, 1960).

10
The letter … by Abu Zikri's son:
H. Z. Hirschberg, The Almohade Persecutions and the India Trade'. This letter contains an extraordinary usage: the writer uses the Arabic word fata
(victory, lit. ‘opening'), which has the sense of ‘liberated', to describe the Almohad entry into Tlemcen—an event that he clearly regarded as a disaster. It is a striking instance of the ironies that Judæo-Arabic sometimes imposed on its users (line 41, p. 142).

11
Not long before:
Cf. S. D. Goitein,
Letters
, pp. 62–65.

12
On that occasion, Ben Yiju:
The nakhuda Mahruz frequently acted as a courier for Ben Yiju and his friends and is mentioned several times in their letters (Cf. T–S 8 J 7, fol. 23, recto, line 3; T–S N.S. J 10, verso, 1st. Account, line 9, 2nd. Account, line 1. See also S. D. Goitein,
Letters
, pp. 62–5. Goitein notes there that Mahruz's sister was married to Judah b. Joseph ha-Kohen (Abu Zikri Sijilmasi).

13
‘I asked [some people]':
Cf. E. Strauss, ‘Documents', p. 149 (lines 10–14, MS H.6).

14
‘Every year you speak':
Cf. E. Strauss, ‘Documents' p. 149 (lines 23–4, MS H.6).

15
‘I do not know':
The catalogue number of this document is T–S 10 J 10, fol. 15. This letter was first transcribed and published by J. Braslawsky in
Zion
, (7, pp. 135–139) in 1942. Goitein also published an English translation of it in 1973 (
Letters
, pp. 201–6). All except one of the following quotations from this document are taken from Goitein's translation.