Islam without Extremes: A Muslim Case for Liberty (45 page)

14.
Lucien Gubbay,
Sunlight and Shadow: The Jewish Experience of Islam
(New York: Other Press, 2000), p. 99.

15.
http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/vjw/Turkey.html
.

16.
Halil Inalcık,
Essays in Ottoman History
(Istanbul: Eren Publishing, 1988), pp. 231, 245.

17.
Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds.,
An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914
(Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 492.

18.
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na‘im,
Islam and the Secular State
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press), 2008, p. 185.

19.
Inalcık,
Essays in Ottoman History
, pp. 235–36.

20.
Prof. Ahmet Yaman, “Osmanlı Pozitif Hukukunun Ser’iligi Tartısmalarına Elestirel bir Katkı” [A Critical Contribution to the Debates on the Shariah-Compliance of Ottoman Positive Law], Islamiyat 8, no. 1 (January–March 2005): 116.

21.
A statement found in some of the
fatwas
of Ottoman Seyh-ül Islams reads: “This is not a matter of the Shariah; the decision of the [sultan] has to be followed.” [
Ser’i maslahat degildir, ulu’l emr nasıl emretmisse öyle hareket lazımdır.
] Taha Akyol,
Osmanlı’da ve Iran’da Mezhep ve Devlet
[State and Religion in the Ottoman Empire and Iran] (Istanbul: Dogan Publishing, 1999), pp. 149–50.

22.
Yusuf Halaçoglu,
Osmanlılarda Devlet Teskilatı ve Sosyal Yapı
[State Organization and Social Structure among the Ottomans] (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1995), pp. 188–90.

23.
Berdal Aral, “The Idea of Human Rights as Perceived in the Ottoman Empire,”
Human Rights Quarterly
26, no. 2 (2004): 460.

24.
Kemal H. Karpat, ed.,
Ottoman Past and Today’s Turkey
(Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2000), p. 142.

25.
Ibid., pp. 137–40. Karpat (pp. 139, 140) criticizes the “mistaken picture” about guilds in the Ottoman Empire (that they were “invented and totally controlled by the state”) and underlines the fact that the guilds were “really autonomous.” These craftsmen associations were “amazingly similar to the medieval European guilds—and were governed by guild law, which “did not emanate from the government. Rather, the government had scant knowledge about it, and all parties concerned viewed it as emanating from below.”

26.
Niyazi Berkes,
The Development of Secularism in Turkey
(Montreal: McGill University Press, 1964), p. 34.

27.
Gönül Pınar, ed., Islam ve Modernite [Islam and Modernity] (Istanbul: Remzi Publishing, 2007), p. 195.

28.
Bernard Lewis and Benjamin Braude, eds.,
Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society
(New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1982), p. 388.

29.
Halil Inalcık,
From Empire to Republic: Essays on Ottoman and Turkish Social History
(Istanbul: Isis Press, 1995), p. 132.

30.
For an evaluation of the Islamic spirit of the Tanzimat, see Butrus Abu-Manneh, “The Islamic Roots of the Gülhane Rescripts,”
Die Welt des Islams
34 (1994): 173–203.

31.
See Dogan,
Origins of Liberalism and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire
, pp. 158, 194.

32.
Mehmet Seyitdanlioglu, “The Rise and Development of the Liberal Thought in Turkey,”
Hacettepe Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi
(special issue prepared for the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Turkish Republic, 1997).

33.
Sadık Rıfat Pasa was “well within the framework of traditional Islamic political thought.” Bernard Lewis,
The Emergence of Modern Turkey
(London: Oxford University Press, 1961). p. 130.

34.
The name of the legislation is “Tabiyet-i Osmaniye Kanunnamesi.” Bilal Eryılmaz,
Osmanlı Devletinde Gayrimüslim Tebaanın Yönetimi
[The Administration of Non-Muslim Subjects in the Ottoman Empire] (Istanbul: Risali Yayınları, 1996), pp. 147–50.

35.
Tarık Zafer Tunaya,
Türkiye’de Siyasal Partiler
, vol. 1
[Political Parties in Turkey] (Istanbul: Hürriyet Vakfı Yayınları, 1984), pp. 586–90.

36.
Carter V. Findley, “The Acid Test of Ottomanism: The Acceptance of Non-Muslims in the Late Ottoman Bureaucracy,” in
Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire
, ed. Braude and Lewis, p. 365.

37.
Roderic H. Davison, “Turkish Attitudes Concerning Christian-Muslim Equality in the Nineteenth Century,”
American Historical Review
59, no. 4 (July 1954): 854.

38.
Ibid., p. 853.

39.
Ibid., p. 855.

40.
Ibid., p. 857.

41.
Cyrus Hamlin,
Among
the Turks
(New York: Carter and Brothers, 1878), pp. 80–81; quoted in Selim Deringil, “‘There Is No Compulsion in Religion’: On Conversion and Apostasy in the Late Ottoman Empire: 1839–1856,”
Comparative Studies in Society and History
42, no. 3 (July 2000): 551.

42.
Mustafa Avcı,
Osmanlı Hukukunda Suçlar ve Cezalar
[Crimes and Punishments in Ottoman Law] (Istanbul: Gökkubbe Publishing, 2004), p. 389.

43.
BBA HR. MKT 3/65; 16 Rebiyulahir 1260/5 May 1840. Foreign Ministry to Commanders of Akka and Sayda; quoted in Deringil, “‘There Is No Compulsion in Religion,’” p. 560.

44.
Ezel Kural Shaw,
History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey
, vol. 2 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1977), p. 125.

45.
Hamlin to Anderson, September 5, 1857, ABCFM, Armenian Mission, V, no. 276; quoted in Davison, “Turkish Attitudes Concerning Christian-Muslim Equality in the Nineteenth Century,” p. 860.

46.
Leila Fawaz,
Occasion
for
War: Civil
Conflict
in the
Lebanon
and
Damascus
in
1860
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), p. 152; quoted in Deringil, “‘There Is No Compulsion in Religion,’” p. 559.

47.
Deringil, “‘There Is No Compulsion in Religion,’” p. 559.

48.
Ibid., p. 565.

49.
Ibid., p. 567.

50.
Mustafa Akyol, “God & Turkey: Church and State in Istanbul,”
National Review Online
, March 4, 2005.

51.
Dogan,
Origins of Liberalism and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire
, p. 151.

52.
Karpat,
Ottoman Past and Today’s Turkey
, pp. xi, xii.

53.
Serif Mardin,
The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought: A Study in the Modernization of Turkish Political Ideas
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 119.

54.
Ibret, no. 46 of 1872
, cited in
Lewis,
Emergence of Modern Turkey
, p. 167.

55.
Ibid., p. 149.

56.
James Madison, “The Most Dreaded Enemy of Liberty,”
Essays on Liberty
, vol. 1 (Irvington-on-Hudson, NY: Foundation for Economic Education, 1952), p. 88.

57.
This was true for the premodern era as well. Medieval Islamic history reveals “tolerance in secure times—and “intolerance in times of threat.” Karabell,
People of the Book
, p. 67. In the modern era, liberal ideas and attitudes flourished in the late Ottoman Empire, but they waned with the destruction of the empire and the colonization of Muslim lands, as we will see later in this chapter.

58.
Karpat,
Ottoman Past and Today’s Turkey
, p. 17.

59.
Yusuf Akçura, a prominent Turkish nationalist at the beginning of the twentieth century, first used the term Islamcılık (Islamism) in 1904 to define Abdülhamid’s policies. Ismail Kara,
Türkiye’de Islamcılık Düsüncesi
[Islamist Thought in Turkey] (Istanbul: Kitabevi Publishing, 1997), p. 31.

60.
All the information and quotations about Sultan Abdülhamid’s role in the Philippines are from Kemal Karpat,
The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith, and Community in the Late Ottoman State
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 234–35.

61.
Karpat,
Ottoman Past and Today’s Turkey
, p. 16.

62.
Ibid.

63.
Schacht,
Introduction to Islamic Law
, p. 93.