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Vitaly’s and Natalya’s story was about as good as homecomings would get. Another story, that of Valentina and her husband, was probably more typical of younger men. As Valentina explained, she and her husband, married just before the war, had spent almost no time together before he was called up to the front. They were still almost strangers, and the war would perpetuate the gulf. His letters home were regular, but they arrived at intervals, in bundles, scored through by the censor’s pen. They also had to find Valya at the munitions factory to which, as a chemist, she had been evacuated. She worked there for the war’s duration, supervising a production line that hummed without a break. Her own shifts could be ten hours long, or twelve, and all that time the NKVD watched her every move. As she recalled the war, the strain was still clear from her voice, although a patch of light relief came from an unexpected source. ‘The German prisoners were nice,’ she said, referring to the prisoners of war who worked near her own site. ‘They were so clean. They even swept the shelves they kept potatoes on.’ I asked her if she ever talked to one. ‘Talked?’ she replied. ‘We danced with them. They were the only men for miles, and they were such good dancers, too.’

Her husband had his own experience of Germans. Valya’s file of wartime papers contained photographs of the soldier, sometimes in uniform, sometimes half naked, lolling in a boat. Berlin had been a good billet for the young man. It would be 1946 before he would come home. Again, the
reunion worked, or rather, it did not end in divorce. He and Valya lived together until his death in 2001. They even had a son, although the young man, like so many others, had died before his father, a victim of the Soviet scourge of heart disease. The family were comfortable, respectable, and privileged to live in a private, three-bedroomed flat in the heart of Moscow.

Valya let me read her husband’s wartime letters. She even invited me to dictate some of them into my tape recorder as she busied herself making tea. And then I noticed that she was sobbing, as if the memory were too painful to bear. I thought at once it was my fault. I put the recorder away and went to comfort her, guilty that I had revived old grief. ‘Oh no,’ she said as we carried the cups and biscuits through. ‘I don’t mind the old letters. But they were such lies. All that stuff about love and homesickness. All the time he was with her, the German woman. They even had a child. He left her the day after their baby was born.’ Valya’s rage was murderous. She never wanted the man back, but apartments were difficult to get, and married couples – especially veterans’ families – took precedence. All the same, when she became pregnant at the end of 1946, Valya could not bear to carry the child. Abortion was illegal, dangerous, but somehow she managed to find a doctor who would perform one, and somehow she went through with it.

Stories like this would lie beneath so many tight-lipped silences after the war. The sacrifice, the epic hope, would peter out in the quest for a larger room in the communal flat, a holiday in newly Russified Crimea or maybe a collection of kitsch ornaments made from tank parts (clocks made from dials were briefly in demand).
94
The flurry of altruism that had enlivened the first weeks of the victory, like the vogue for jazz, soon faltered. The favoured veterans were privileged, and it would be these small advantages, the knowledge that the neighbours envied them, that bound them, like a sort of post-war middle class, to Stalinism. Little advantages, that is, and the terror of chaos, disorder, arrest, and vengeance from anyone that post-war politics chose to exclude. The war that the heroes had fought had not been a campaign for holidays or sausage. It was a betrayal, albeit small, when the soldiers’ passion was allowed to dissolve into small lies, vodka, and homemade jam. But the real tragedy, the perfidy of Stalin’s final years, was the theft that forced decent citizens to acquiesce in tyranny because of fear, the theft of almost every grand ideal that they had fought to save.

It was not a question of the long term: the Soviet Union’s collapse, communism’s ultimate defeat. Those problems waited for the veterans’ old age. The first betrayals were immediate. At the top of the list were the collectives. They would stay, and often it would be the veterans themselves who had the
job of trying to make agriculture work. They even helped to export the detested model to the reconquered Baltic and western Ukraine, as well as watching it established in Soviet-controlled territories like Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Then there was Soviet brotherhood, the hope that everyone could pull together to build a society where class, religion and ethnicity were no longer divisive. That one was trampled by the hate campaigns, the deportations, and the racist language that Soviets learned from their Nazi invaders. Among the victims of the new Soviet chauvinism, cruelly, were Jews.
95
The Gulag swelled, hungrily drawing new contingents – including veterans themselves – into its twilight of forced labour.
96
Even the arts, so dear to soldiers at the front, were subject to obscene and stifling attack, as were many of the poets and writers whose work had tried to capture the truth of the war.
97
Once more, Stalin’s dictatorship relied on exclusion and fear, and the people with the most to lose (albeit pitifully little) became its strongest supporters.

There is no doubt that Russia – and much of the Soviet Union – would have suffered terribly if Hitler had succeeded in capturing Moscow back in 1941, if Stalingrad had fallen or wartime Soviet government dissolved. Just as seriously, the whole of Europe, and even the United States, would have faced an unthinkable catastrophe. Stalingrad, Kursk and Berlin were real victories, and not for Moscow only but its allies, too. Their human cost was paid by Stalin’s people, and whether they were willing soldiers or not, all but a small minority believed that they were on the right side in a true, just war. There had not been one kind of soldier, one Ivan, but there was one aspiration, and it was not served by fostering a tyranny no less oppressive than the one all had been fighting to destroy. Unfortunately, the Soviet people, who had acquiesced, however unwillingly, in the emergence of Stalinism and who had also fought and suffered to defend it, would now permit the tyrant to remain. The motherland was never conquered, but it had enslaved itself.

Notes – 10 Sheathe the Old Sword
 

1
Werth, p. 969.

2
RGASPI-M, 33/1/1406, 70.

3
One reason for that was the annihilation of Polish Jews, which reduced the population by approximately 3 million. Poland’s total losses, approximately 6 million people, amounted to about 20 per cent of the pre-war total. See John Keegan,
The Second
World War
(London, 1989), p. 493.

4
Figures vary, and to some extent, since all are estimates, it is impossible to compare the scale of losses. But a recent Russian account suggests that the ratio of Soviet to German military losses was 1.3:1 (even taking into account the losses of each adversary’s allies). In terms of battlefield deaths, the true figure may be higher than 1.6:1. See
Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina
, 4, p. 292; Glantz and House, pp. 292 and 307; Krivosheev, pp. 152–3 and 384–92.

5
Overy, pp. 287–8.

6
The official exchange rate in 1940 was 5.3 roubles to the dollar, but this has little real meaning in view of the currency controls in operation throughout the Soviet era.
Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina
, 4, p. 294; Overy, p. 291.

7
Vsevolod Vyshnevsky, cited in Werth, p. 942.

8
See Vera S. Dunham,
In Stalin’s Time: Middleclass Values in Soviet Fiction
(Cambridge, 1976), p. 11.

9
Cited in
Drugaya voina
, p. 298.

10
GARF, 7523/16/79, 173.

11
Ibid
.

12
GARF, 7523/16/79 contains several others, including a demand for general amnesty and numerous requests to review the penal code.

13
Ibid
., 17.

14
Overy, p. 292.

15
Dunham, p. 9; Merridale,
Night of Stone
, p. 323.

16
The rumour was repeated even in the soldiers’ letters home. See, for example, Snetkova, p. 48.

17
E. Yu. Zubkova,
Obshchestvo i reformy
, 1945–1964
(Moscow, 1993), p. 43.

18
On adaptation, see Ben Shephard,
A War of Nerves
(London, 2000), pp. 328–9.

19
Moskva voennaya
, p. 708.

20
Ibid
., p. 707.

21
Lists of the military participants occupy an entire number of
Voenno-istoricheskii
arkhiv
– 12 (3), 2000. The instructions for the day are printed in
ibid
., no. 8, 2000, pp. 259–77.

22
Werth, pp. 1002–3.

23
RGASPI-M, 33/1/1405, 157–8.

24
Ermolenko, p. 143.

25
For more detail of the campaign, see Glantz and House, pp. 278–82.

26
For an account, see Joseph Polowsky’s testimony in Studs Terkel,
A Good War: An Oral
History of World War II
(New York, 1984), pp. 444–50.

27
GARF, 7077/1/19, 7–10.

28
GARF, 7399/1/3, 126.

29
Cited in Naimark, p. 74.

30
GARF 7317/7/147, 7317/7/118, 31.

31
GARF, 7077/1/19, 13.

32
Ibid
.

33
GARF, 7399/1/3, 153–4.

34
Ibid
., 125–7.

35
Ibid
., 34; 7317/7/147, 76.

36
Ibid
., 98.

37
GARF, 7077/1/178, 10–11.

38
GARF, 7399/1/3, 95.

39
GARF, 7399/1/1, 2.

40
Ibid
., 14–15.

41
An example among many was Frankfurt on the Oder (GARF 7399/1/3, 11–15), where discipline had ‘become better than before’ by early July. See also GARF, 7317/7/124b, 36–9, which relates to Berlin.

42
GARF, 7317/10/23, 48–9.

43
Naimark, p. 74.

44
GARF, 7399/1/1, 16.

45
GARF, 7317/7/124b, 5.

46
On the duty of Germans to die for the clean-up, see GARF, 7523/16/79, 215.

47
Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina
, 4, p. 191.

48
Ibid
.

49
GARF, 7077/1/178.

50
Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina
, 4, 191–2; Overy, pp. 302–3. For a discussion of the repatriations in general, see Nikolai Tolstoy,
Victims of Yalta
(London, 1977).

51
Incidents and interviews appear in GARF, 7317/20/15, 42–68.

52
Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina
, 4, pp. 192–3.

53
GARF, 5446/48a/13, 9–11.

54
Ibid
., 26–7.

55
Ibid
., 27.

56
Overy, p. 302.

57
GARF, 7317/7/124v, 18–19.

58
GARF, 7317/20/13, 76.

59
GARF, 7399/1/3, 42; 7317/20/13, 74.

60
GARF, 7184/1/65, 180.

61
GARF, 7523/16/79, 163.

62
TsAMO, 136/24416/24, 19–21.

63
GARF, 7184/1/57, 347–8.

64
Velikaya Otechestvennaya
, 2(3), 378.

65
GARF, 7184/1/57, 347.

66
Pushkarev,
Po dorogam voiny
, p 160.

67
GAOPIKO, 1/7/3755, 53.

68
TsDNISO, 6/1/2005, 16.

69
GAOPIKO, 1/13755, 5.

70
GARF, 7523/16/54, 1.

71
Smolensk figures from oblast records (TsDNISO, 6/1/2005, 12–16) and district reports (6/1/2005, 24, 47).

72
This story is told in Nina Tumarkin,
The Living and the Dead
, p. 104; Garrard and Garrard,
Bones
, pp. 215–6.

73
On the fulfilment (or otherwise) of Sovnarkom resolutions on war graves, see GAKO, R3322/10/81, 33–4. Simonov’s call for a kind of Soviet orderliness in place of the soldiers’ own tastes in memorials is noted in RGALI, 1814/6/144, 52.

74
GARF, 5446/48a/2657, 161.

75
Of 1,913 buildings commandeered as hospitals by May 1945, 333 were former educational institutions and eighty-four their former halls of residence. GARF, 5446/48a/2657, 161.

76
TsDNISO, 37/1/264, 8.

77
Tumarkin, p. 98.

78
GARF, 8009/35/20, 2.

79
Ibid
., 2–3.

80
Night of Stone
, p. 315.

81
For literary examples, see Dunham, pp. 10–11.

82
Report from Leningrad hospitals, TsGASPb, 9156/4/321, 14–15.

83
Night of Stone
, p. 305, also referring to reports from post-war Leningrad.

84
See Overy, p. 312.

85
Grossman,
Life and Fate
, p. 141.

86
On Leningrad, see Ehrenburg, p. 11.

87
See Dunham, especially Chapter 13, pp. 214–224.

88
Doctors working in rural areas near Leningrad at the time would find that peasant women also stopped menstruating, which they ascribed to a kind of mourning, but which may as easily have been the result of poor diet and heavy manual work. See
Night of Stone
, pp. 312–3.

89
Alexiyevich, p. 206.

90
GARF, 8009/35/20, 2–3.

91
Night of Stone
, p. 314; see also Werth, p. 520.

92
RGASPI-M, 129.

93
RGASPI-M, 33/1/1404, 131; 33/1/1405, 118.

94
For Vera Dunham’s tart summary, see
In Stalin’s Time
, p. 214.

95
See Overy, pp. 309–11; Bones, pp. 219–28;
Night of Stone
, p. 273.

96
Applebaum,
Gulag
, pp. 414–23.

97
Night of Stone
, pp. 317–9; See also Robert Service,
A History of Twentieth-Century
Russia
(London, 1997), p. 319.

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