Jack Ryan 11 - Bear And The Dragon (105 page)

“Who else?” Ryan asked.

“Not sure,” Moore answered.

“The Brits'll go with us. Them we can depend on,” Adler told them all. “And Grushavoy was talking to their Prime Minister. We need to talk to Downing Street to see what developed from that.”

“Okay, Scott, please look into that. But first let's get that note drafted for Beijing.”

“Right,” SecState agreed, and headed for the door.

“Jesus, I hope we can get them to see sense,” Ryan said to the maps and imagery before his eyes.

“Me, too, Jack,” the Vice President agreed. “But don't bet the farm on it.”

What Adler had said to him on the flight from Warsaw came back to him. If only America still had ballistic missiles, deterrence would have been far easier. But Ryan had played a role in eliminating the damned things, and it seemed a very strange thing for him to regret now.

The note was generated and sent to the embassy in Beijing in less than two hours. The Deputy Chief of Mission, or DCM, in the embassy was a career foreign-service officer named William Kilmer. The formal note arrived as e-mail, and he had a secretary print it up in proper form and on expensive paper, which was folded into an envelope of creamy texture for hand delivery. He called the Chinese Foreign Ministry, requesting an urgent meeting with Foreign Minister Shen Tang. This was granted with surprising alacrity, and Kilmer walked to his own automobile, a Lincoln Town Car, and drove himself to the Ministry.

Kilmer was in his middle thirties, a graduate of the College of William and Mary in Virginia and Georgetown University in Washington. A man on his way up, his current position was rather ahead of his years, and the only reason he'd gotten it was that Ambassador Carl Hitch had been expected to be a particularly good mentor for bringing him along from AAA ball into the bigs. This mission, delivering this note, made him think about just how junior he was. But he couldn't very well run from the job, and career-wise he was taking a big step. Assuming he didn't get shot. Unlikely, but...

The walk to Shen's office was a lonely one. The corridor seemed to stretch into infinity as he stepped down it in his best suit and shiny black shoes. The building and its appointments were supposed to be imposing, to show representatives of foreign countries just how impressive the People's Republic of China was. Every country did it this way, some better than others. In this case the architect had earned his money, Kilmer thought. Finally -- but sooner than he'd expected when he'd begun -- he found the door and turned right to enter the secretaries' anteroom. Shen's male executive assistant led the American into a more comfortable waiting room and fetched water for him. Kilmer waited for the expected five minutes, because you didn't just barge in to see a senior government minister of a major power, but then the high doors -- they were always double doors at this level of diplomacy -- opened and he was beckoned in.

Shen was wearing a Mao jacket today instead of the usual Western-style business suit, a dark blue in color. He approached his guest and extended his hand.

“Mr. Kilmer, a pleasure to see you again.”

“Thank you for allowing this impromptu audience, Minister.”

“Please have a seat.” Shen waved to some chairs surrounding the usual low table. When both of them were seated, Shen asked, “What can I do for you this day?”

“Minister, I have a note from my government to place into your hand.” With that, Kilmer pulled the envelope from his coat pocket and handed it across.

The envelope was not sealed. Shen withdrew the two-page diplomatic message and leaned back to read it. His face didn't alter a dot before he looked up.

“This is a most unusual communication, Mr. Kilmer.”

“Minister, my government is seriously concerned with recent deployments of your military.”

“The last note delivered from your embassy was an insulting interference with our internal affairs. Now you threaten us with war?”

“Sir, America makes no threats. We remind you that since the Russian Federation is now a signatory of the North Atlantic Treaty, any hostilities directed at Russia will compel America to honor her treaty commitments.”

“And you threaten the senior members of our government if something untoward should happen to Americans in our country? What do you take us for, Mr. Kilmer?” Shen asked in an even, unexcited voice.

“Minister, we merely point out that, as America extends to all of our visitors the protection of our laws, we hope that the People's Republic will do the same.”

“Why should we treat American citizens any differently from the way we treat our own?”

“Minister, we merely request your assurance that this will be the case.”

“Why should it not be the case? Do you accuse us of plotting a war of aggression against our neighbor?”

“We take note of recent military actions by the People's Republic and request clarification.”

“I see.” Shen folded the papers back up and set them on the table. “When do you request a reply?”

“As soon as you find it convenient to do so, Minister,” Kilmer answered.

“Very well. I will discuss this matter with my colleagues on the Politburo and reply to you as quickly as we can.”

“I will convey that good news to Washington, Minister. I will not take more time from your day, sir. Thank you very much indeed for your time.” Kilmer stood and shook hands one more time. Kilmer walked through the anteroom without a glance left or right, turned left in the corridor, and headed toward the elevators. The corridor seemed just as long for this little walk, he thought, and the clicking of his heels on the tile floor seemed unusually loud. Kilmer had been an FSO long enough to know that Shen should have reacted more irately to the note. Instead he had received it like an invitation to an informal dinner at the embassy. That meant something, but Kilmer wasn't sure what. Once in his car, he started composing his dispatch to Foggy Bottom, then quickly realized that this was something he'd better report by voice first over the STU.

“How good is he, Carl?” Adler asked the ambassador.

“He's an okay kid, Scott. Photographic memory, talent I wish I had. Maybe he was promoted a little fast, but he's got the brains he needs, just a little short on field experience. I figure in another three years or so, he'll be ready to run his own embassy and start his way up the ladder.”

In a place like Lesotho, SecState thought, which was a place to make “backwater” seem a compliment. Well, you had to start somewhere. “How will Shen react?”

“Depends. If they're just maneuvering troops on routine training, they might be a little angry. If it's for real and we've caught them with their hands in the cookie jar, they'll act hurt and surprised.” Hitch paused for a yawn. “Excuse me. The real question is whether it'll make them think things over.”

“Will it? You know most of 'em.”

“I don't know,” Hitch admitted uncomfortably. “Scott, I've been there a while, sure, but I can't say that I fully understand them. They make decisions on political considerations that Americans have a hard time comprehending.”

“The President calls them Klingons,” Adler told the ambassador.

Hitch smiled. “I wouldn't go that far, but there is logic in the observation.” Then Adler's intercom buzzed.

“Call from William Kilmer in Beijing on the STU, Mr. Secretary,” the secretary's voice said.

“This is Scott Adler,” SecState said when he lifted the phone. “Ambassador Hitch is here with me. You're on speaker.”

“Sir, I made the delivery. Minister Shen hardly blinked. He said he'd get back to us soon, but not exactly when, after he talked it over with his Politburo colleagues. Aside from that, not much of a reaction at all. I can fax you the transcript in about half an hour. The meeting didn't last ten minutes.”

Adler looked over at Hitch, who shook his head and didn't look happy at the news.

“Bill, how was his body language?” Hitch asked.

“Like he was on Prozac, Carl. No physical reaction at all.”

“Shen tends to be a little hyperactive,” Hitch explained. “Sometimes he has trouble sitting still. Conclusions, Bill?”

“I'm worried,” Kilmer replied at once. “I think we have a problem here.”

“Thank you, Mr. Kilmer. Send the fax quick as you can.” Adler punched the phone button and looked at his guest. “Oh, shit.”

“Yeah. How soon will we know how they're going to react to this?”

“Tomorrow morning, I hope, we -- ”

“We have a source inside their government?” Hitch asked. The blank look he got in reply was answer enough.

“Thanks, Scott,” Ryan said, hanging up the phone. He was back in the Oval Office now, sitting in his personally-fitted swivel chair, which was about as comfortable as any artifact could make him. It didn't help much at the moment, but he supposed it was one less thing to worry about.

“So?”

“So, we wait to see if SORGE tells us anything.”

“SORGE?” Professor Weaver asked.

“Dr. Weaver, we have a sensitive source of information that sometimes gives us information on what their Politburo is thinking,” Ed Foley told the academic. “And that information does not leave this room.”

“Understood.” Academic or not, Weaver played by the rules. “That's the name for the special stuff you've been showing me?”

“Correct.”

“It's a hell of a source, whoever it is. It reads like a tape of their meetings, captures their personalities, especially Zhang. He's the real bad actor here. He's got Premier Xu pretty well wrapped around his little finger.”

“Adler's met him, during the shuttle talks after the Airbus shoot-down at Taipei,” Ryan said.

“And?” Weaver asked. He knew the name and the words, but not the man.

“And he's powerful and not a terribly nice chap,” the President answered. “He had a role in our conflict with Japan, and also the fracas with the UIR last year.”

“Machiavelli?”

“That's pretty close, more a theoretician than a lead actor, the man-behind-the-throne sort of guy. Not an ideologue per se, but a guy who likes to play in the real world -- patriot, Ed?” Ryan asked the DCI.

“We've had our pshrink profile him.” Foley shrugged. “Part sociopath, part political operator. A guy who enjoys the exercise of power. No known personal weaknesses. Sexually active, but a lot of their Politburo members are. Maybe it's a cultural thing, eh, Weaver?”

“Mao was like that, as we all know. The emperors used to have rather large stables of concubines.”

“That's what people did before TV, I suppose,” Arnie van Damm observed.

“Actually that's not far from the truth,” Weaver agreed. “The carryover to today is cultural, and it's a fundamental form of personal power that some people like to exercise. Women's lib hasn't made it into the PRC yet.”

“I must be too Catholic,” the President thought aloud. “The idea of Mao popping little girls makes my skin crawl.”

“They didn't mind, Mr. President,” Weaver told him. “Some would bring their little sisters over after they got in bed with the Great Leader. It's a different culture, and it has different rules from ours.”

“Yeah, just a little different,” observed the father of two daughters, one just starting to date. What would the fathers of those barely nubile little girls have thought? Honored to have their daughters deflowered by the great Mao Zedong? Ryan had a minor chill from the thought, and dismissed it. “Do they care about human life at all? What about their soldiers?”

“Mr. President, the Judeo-Christian Bible wasn't drafted in China, and efforts by missionaries to get Christianity going over there were not terribly successful -- and when Mao came along, he suppressed it fairly effectively, as we saw again recently. Their view of man's place in nature is different from ours, and, no, they do not value a single human life as we do. We're talking here about communists who view everything through a political lens, and that is over and above a culture in which a human life had little import. So, you could say it's a very infelicitous confluence of belief systems from our point of view.”

Infelicitous, Ryan thought, there's a delicate turn of phrase. We're talking about a government that killed off twenty million-plus of its own people along the way, just in a few months, in pursuit of political perfection. “Dr. Weaver, best guess: What's their Politburo going to say?”

“They will continue on the path they're on,” Weaver answered quickly. He was surprised at the reaction.

“God damn it, doesn't anybody think common sense is going to break out?” Ryan snarled. He looked around the room, to see people suddenly looking down at the royal-blue rug.

“Mr. President, they fear war less than they fear the alternatives to war,” Weaver answered, rather courageously, Arnie van Damm thought. “To repeat, if they don't enrich their country in oil and gold, they fear an economic collapse that will destroy their entire political order, and that, to them, is more frightening than the prospect of losing a hundred thousand soldiers in a war of conquest.”

“And I can stop it only by dropping a nuclear bomb on their capital -- which will, by the way, kill a couple of million ordinary people. God damn it!” Ryan swore again.

“More like five million, maybe as many as ten,” General Moore pointed out, earning him a withering look from his Commander in Chief. “Yes, sir, that would work, but I agree the price of doing it's a little high.”

“Robby?” Jack turned to his Vice President in hope of hearing something encouraging.

“What do you want me to say, Jack? We can hope they realize that this is going to cost them more than they expect, but it would appear the odds are against it.”

“One other thing we need to do is prepare the people for this,” Arnie said. “Tomorrow we should alert the press, and then you'll have to go on TV and tell everybody what's happening and why.”

“You know, I really don't like this job very much -- excuse me. That's rather a puerile thing to say, isn't it?” SWORDSMAN apologized.

“Ain't supposed to be fun, Jack,” van Damm observed. “You've played the game okay to this point, but you can't always control the other people at the card table.”

The President's phone rang. Jack answered it. “Yes? Okay.” He looked up. “Ed, it's for you.”