Kennedy (29 page)

Most of the convention, watching on television, felt that Johnson’s challenge had been neatly deflated by Kennedy. The Massachusetts Senator, despite all the Johnson and Stevenson efforts, remained unperturbed. Only winning candidates, he knew, were accused of driving “steamrollers,” “bandwagons” and “well-oiled machines.” Rumors, chaos and mob emotion are as much a part of convention business as brass bands, balloons, placards and oratory. But the truly important business was securing 761 delegate votes, a majority of the 1,520 total.

The headlines for Stevenson and Johnson were much larger than the number of actual delegate defections. Neither the Stevenson spectators inside, nor the Stevenson pickets outside, nor the organized Stevenson telegrams pouring in represented a cross-section of the American people or more than a handful of delegates. The Johnson and Symington forces could talk of a deadlock, but no Democratic convention had been deadlocked since the two-thirds rule had been repealed. The others had hopes, but Kennedy had delegates—and that was the difference.

They could all talk of making Kennedy their running mate, but he had made unmistakably clear his final rejection of that position. Once again on television he flatly ruled it out—and meant it. To one reporter speculating on a Stevenson-Kennedy ticket, he said, “Look, I’ll make you an offer. If I take the Vice Presidential nomination with anyone, I’ll let you have my next year’s Senate salary.” His father expressed the view we all held: “Not for chalk, money or marbles will we take second place.” At a Los Angeles rally walking in amidst tumultuous applause, the Senator spotted a supporter whom he had not seen since a conversation two years earlier in which the latter urged him to be satisfied with the Vice Presidency. The supporter had long since forgotten the advice, but not Kennedy. “Do you still think I shouldn’t go for it?” he said smiling.

Kennedy concentrated his public remarks, at an NAACP civil rights rally and a preconvention dinner for all candidates, not on personalities but on the issues. The only “health” issue, he said, “is the anemic health of the American economy today.” The only “age” issue is the neglect of our older citizens. He devoted his time to making the rounds of those delegations and leaders who were still uncommitted, a cool, purposeful figure striding swiftly through the jumble.

Other problems kept the Senator and his organization busy. The platform, drafted largely under the direction of Platform Committee Chairman Bowles, promised, in Kennedy’s private view, too many antagonistic specifics that could not be fulfilled, raising too many unwarranted hopes and unnecessary fears. Less divisive issues were raised in the Credentials and Rules Committee. Many of the convention’s administrative and personnel problems had been worked out in advance
by an informal, secret committee of labor and liberal representatives on which Kennedy and Humphrey were represented.

Still the main problem was 761 votes, preferably through switches at the end of the first ballot, otherwise on the second. If even a second ballot was necessary, some of those committed by law for only one ballot might move away from Kennedy, we feared, offsetting gains from favorite sons; and if a third or fourth ballot was necessary, a sense of deadlock could produce a back-room compromise.

On Wednesday afternoon, as the nominations and demonstrations for each candidate were in progress, I talked to the Senator by telephone from Convention Hall. His final effort had been to ask Governor Orville Freeman to make his principal nominating speech. Telegenic, a forceful speaker, Midwesterner, friend of the farmer, liberal, Protestant and Governor of a state from which we hoped to take delegates from Stevenson and Humphrey, Freeman possessed all the qualities needed, but the decision had been long postponed in the hopes of persuading Stevenson to do the job. Now the speeches and pageantry were drawing to a close, and the moment to which so much had been directed was drawing near.

If the Senator had any anxiety, it did not show in his voice. He scoffed at that day’s headlines predicting vast gains for others. He liked Freeman’s speech. He liked our line-up of seconding speakers. They included a woman and a Negro, a farm state Governor and a Southern Governor-elect, an older liberal and a younger moderate. They represented power in all sections, including several states not strongly for Kennedy, and they were all Protestants. He also admired the cynically brilliant speech nominating Stevenson, which had been delivered by Humphrey’s friend and colleague, Senator Eugene McCarthy, who was actually for Johnson. But Kennedy sounded wholly unconcerned about the ensuing applause and demonstration for Stevenson. The hard work on the delegates was over for him. There was nothing he could do then but watch.

At 10:07
P.M.
the roll was called.

Alabama
, 29 votes: A year earlier, youthful Governor Patterson, admiring Bob’s racket-busting and Jack’s vigor, had publicly endorsed the Senator against the latter’s wishes and to their mutual embarrassment; but only 3½ votes now remained with Kennedy as Johnson gained the bulk of the rest.

Alaska
, 9 votes: A narrow majority of delegates decided during convention week to give all 9 to Kennedy under the “unit rule.”

Arizona
, 17 votes: Led by the hard-working and articulate Congressman Stewart Udall, Kennedy backers at the April state convention had fought off an astonished, previously confident Symington-Johnson coalition to capture for Kennedy, again under the unit rule, the full 17 votes.

Arkansas
, 27 votes: Earlier in the week the state chairman had
assured me that the controversial Governor Orville Faubus would lead his state to Johnson but would not walk out on a Kennedy nomination. All 27 for Johnson.

California
, 81 votes: Stevenson received here his only large bloc of votes, as Kennedy wondered again whether he should have entered the primary; but the Stevenson delegates were far less numerous than his vocal supporters and Kennedy received 3 more votes than the 304 he had anticipated.

Colorado
, 21 votes: Byron “Whizzer” White and Joe Dolan, with the help of repeated Kennedy trips, had secured 134 for JFK.

Connecticut
, 21 votes: Ribicoff, Bailey, New England—all Kennedy.

Delaware
, 11 votes: Majority cast all 11 under the unit rule for Johnson, a disappointment to Kennedy, who had counted on several.

Florida
, 29 votes: Favorite-son Smathers.

Georgia
, 33 votes: Johnson. Kennedy’s increasing outspokenness on civil rights and Johnson’s almost regional candidacy would give the latter a total of 307 Southern votes and the Massachusetts Senator 13.

Hawaii
, 9 votes; and
Idaho
, 13 votes: Divided evenly between Johnson and Kennedy, who were now neck-and-neck in the totals. More important was our own tabulation which showed Kennedy more than half a dozen votes ahead of the number we had privately claimed for this quarter-way mark in the balloting.

Illinois
, 69 votes: 2 votes for Stevenson in his home state, 5½ votes from southern Illinois for their Missouri neighbor Symington, and 61½ votes for Kennedy, due in large measure to Chicago’s resolute Mayor and political leader, Dick Daley.
¹
From this point on Kennedy was never behind.

Indiana
, 34 votes: All Kennedy on the first ballot by virtue of the primary.

Iowa
, 26 votes: In a major gain for Kennedy, favorite-son Governor Herschel Loveless—with the help of the convention Parliamentarian and Chairman, and over the protests of Kennedy opponents, who insisted Iowa was bound—withdrew before the balloting to give 214 first-ballot votes to Kennedy, who had only been counting on 19 second-ballot votes from Iowa. This meant that if Kennedy strength in the rest of the states held as predicted on our private tally sheets, a majority would be obtained on the first ballot.

Kansas
, 8 votes: The delegation was reported out caucusing. Some said the Kennedy and Symington forces in the state were evenly split, making another caucus at this time necessary. Others said their leaders
sought to gain more credit and glory by leading a trend to Kennedy at the close of the first ballot. Whatever the reason, Kansas passed. But Kennedy had not expected their votes on the first ballot anyway.

Kentucky
, 31 votes; and
Louisiana
, 26 votes: 51½ for Johnson, 3½ for Kennedy.

Maine
, 15 votes: All for Kennedy, the hope of a solid New England bloc of 114 votes finally having been realized.

Maryland
, 24 votes: Kennedy’s on the first ballot by virtue of the primary.

Massachusetts
, 41 votes: Kennedy.

Michigan
, 51 votes: 42½ Kennedy, as Mennen Williams had pledged.

Minnesota
, 31 votes;
Mississippi
, 23 votes;
Missouri
, 39 votes: All had their own favorite sons, giving none to either Kennedy or Johnson. We had counted on none.

This was roughly the halfway mark, and Kennedy was not only well ahead of Johnson but within reach of a majority on this ballot. Outside of California, Stevenson thus far had 18 votes. Outside of Missouri, Symington thus far had 29 votes. Outside of the South, Johnson thus far had 26& votes. Kennedy had only 7 Southern votes but was drawing strongly from all other sections.

Montana
, 17 votes: 10 for Kennedy, £ more than we had counted on.

Nebraska
, 16 votes: 11 for Kennedy, winner of the state’s advisory primary.

Nevada
, 15 votes: 54 for Kennedy, slightly fewer than hoped for.

New Hampshire, 11
votes: Kennedy—that long-ago first primary.

New Jersey
, 41 votes: All for favorite-son Meyner, who still clung to the illusion that he would emerge as a compromise choice; Kennedy, counting on 35 to 40 second-ballot votes here to bring him victory, had done his best to keep eager Kennedy supporters in the New Jersey delegation from alienating their Governor.

New Mexico
, 17 votes: After a bitter state convention fight in the spring with supporters of neighbor Lyndon Johnson, who claimed all 17, Kennedy forces had settled for 4 votes.

New York
, 114 votes: Deluged with Stevenson telegrams, led by professionals more accustomed to candidates like Symington and Johnson, New York cast 104½ votes for Kennedy,
½
more than we had counted on.

North Carolina
, 37 votes: Only 6 for Kennedy, but these included a courageous Governor-elect, Terry Sanford, whose announcement earlier in the week was Kennedy’s first break in the Solid South, and who had seconded Kennedy’s nomination when all other Southern governors were for Johnson.

North Dakota, 11
votes: Demonstrating that continued contact
and effort with the smallest of states is worthwhile, North Dakota gave Kennedy all u. Our supporters had started out the week with 5, raised it to 5½, then to 6, then voted 6-5 to impose the unit rule.

Ohio
, 64 votes: Mike DiSalle’s word was good—all for Kennedy.

Oklahoma
, 29 votes: Governor Edmondson, a Kennedy friend, had lost control of his party and delegation—all for Johnson.

Oregon
, 17 votes: All for Kennedy by virtue of the primary, except for one National Committee member who had half a vote.

Pennsylvania
, 81 votes: Kennedy enthusiasm in Philadelphia and other counties had finally won over Governor Lawrence and 68 votes. Now we were looking ahead on our tally sheets to see if a majority was possible on this ballot.

Rhode Island
, 17 votes; and
Vermont
, 9 votes: New England and Kennedy.

South Carolina
, 21 votes;
Tennessee
, 33 votes;
Texas
, 61 votes; and
Virginia
, 33 votes: Southern and Johnson.

South Dakota
, 11 votes: With Humphrey out, 4 to Kennedy.

Utah
, 13 votes; and
Washington
, 27 votes: Neither the Mormons in Utah nor the Catholic Governor of Washington had been enthusiastic at first about Kennedy’s leading their ticket, but our tally sheet predicted 19½ of their 40 combined votes would go for Kennedy and he received 22½.

West
Virginia
, 25 votes; and
Wisconsin
, 31 votes: Two hard-fought primaries (only the latter was binding) netted Kennedy 38 votes, most of the Humphrey delegates in Wisconsin refusing to switch.

Kennedy now had 750 votes of the 761 needed.

Wyoming
, with 15 votes, was the last state, and 8½ of her votes were believed to be Kennedy’s. The remaining 2½ votes, we were certain, could be obtained from the
Virgin Islands
(4 votes, all counted on by Kennedy) and
Puerto Rico
(7 votes, split between two conflicting groups but both for Kennedy), thus requiring no help from the
Canal Zone
(4 votes for Johnson) or the
District of Columbia
(9 former Humphrey votes supposedly divided between Kennedy, Symington and Stevenson).

But no more were needed. Wyoming, alerted by Teddy Kennedy to the important role it could play, triumphantly cast all 15 votes for Kennedy to put him over the top. To the dismay of all the experts predicting a deadlock, all the politicians awaiting the next ballot, all the would-be king-makers in New Jersey and Kansas, Kennedy had won on the first ballot.

The pattern of victory was not very different from that he had planned over a year earlier: “New England, plus the primaries, plus the big Northern states, plus half of the West and scattered other votes to make up for a near shutout in the South.” If Iowa had been required
by the convention Parliamentarian to vote for its favorite son on the first ballot, if Wyoming had consequently cast only the 8£ votes for Kennedy, if he had consequently missed a first-ballot majority by 4 or more votes, if second-ballot defections in Indiana, Maryland, California, Ohio or other states had started a trend elsewhere…but Kennedy’s whole campaign had been keyed to making the “ifs” break his way.