Lies My Teacher Told Me (24 page)

Textbooks need to offer the sociological definition of segregation; a system of racial
etiquette that keeps the oppressed group separate from the oppressor when both are doing
equal tasks, like learning the multiplication tables, but allows intimate closeness when
the tasks are hierarchical, like cooking or cleaning for while employers. The rationale of
segregation thus implies that the oppressed art a pariah people. “Unclean!” was the caste
message of every “colored” water fountain, waiting room, and courtroom Bible. “Inferior”
was the implication of every school that excluded blacks (and often Mexicans, Native Americans, and “Orientals”). This ideology was born in slavery and remained alive to rationalizethe second-class citizenship imposed on African Americans after Reconstruction. This stigma is why separate could never mean equal, even when black facilities might be newer or physically superior. Elements of this stigma survive to harm the self-image of some African Americans today, which helps explain why Caribbean blacks who immigrate to the United States often outperform
black Americans,

During the nadir, segregation increased everywhere. Jackie Robinson was iiii the first black player in major league baseball. Blacks had played in the major agues in
the nineteenth century, but by 1889 whites had forced them out. In 911 the Kentucky Derby eliminated black jockeys after they won fifteen ofthe first
twenty-eight derbies.74 Particularly in the South, whites attacked the richest nd most successful African
Americans, just as they had the most acculturated Native Americans, so upward mobility
offered no way out for blacks but only de them more of 3 target. In the North as well as in the South, whites forced These cartoons by Thomas Mast mirror the revival of racism in the North. Above. “And Not
Tnis Man?” from Harper's weekly, August 5, 1865, provides evidence of Mast's idealism in the early days after the Civil
War. Nine years later, as Reconstruction was beginning to wind down, Nast's images of
African Americans reflected the increasing racism of the times. Opposite is “Colored Rule
in a Reconstructed (?) State,” from the same journal, March 14, 1S74. Such idiotic
legislators could obviously be discounted as the white North contemplated giving up on
black civil rights.

African Americans from skilled occupations and even unskilled jobs such as postal carriers.75 Eventually our system of segregation spread to South Africa, to Bermuda, and even to
European-controlled enclaves in China.

American popular culture evolved to rationalize whites' retraction of civil and political
rights from African Americans. The Bronx Zoo exhibited an African behind bars, like a
gorilla.n Theatrical productions of Uncle Tom's Cabin played throughout the nadir, but since the novel's indictment of slavery was no longer
congenial to an increasingly racist white society, rewrites changed Uncle Tom from a
martyr who gave his life to protect his people into a sentimental dope who was loyal to
kindly masters. In the black community, Uncle Tom evcntually came to mean an African American without integrity who sells out his people's
interests. In the 1880s and 1890s, minstrel shows featuring bumbling, mislocuting whites
in blackface grew wildly popular from New England to California. By presenting heavily
caricatured images of African Americans who were happy on the plantation and lost and
incompetent off it, these shows demeaned black ability. Minstrel songs such as “Carry Me
Back to Old Virginny,” “Old Black Joe,” and “My Old Kentucky Home” told whites that
Harriet Beecher Stowe got Uncle Tom's Cabin all wrong; blacks really liked slavery. Second-class citizenship was appropriate for such
a sorry people.

Textbooks abandoned their idealistic presentations of Reconstruction in favor of the
Confederate myth, for if blacks were inferior, then the historical period in which they
enjoyed equal rights must have been dominated by wrong-thinking Americans. Vaudeville
continued the portrayal of silly, lying, chicken-stealing black idiots. So did early
silent movies. Some movies made more serious charges against African Americans: D, W.
Griffith's racist epic Birth ofa Nation showed them obsessed with interracial sex and debased by corrupt white carpetbaggers.

Not only industrial jobs but even moving services were reserved for whites in some cities.

In politics, the white electorate had become so racist by 1892 that the Democratic
candidate, Grover Cleveland, won the White House partly by tarring Republicans with
their attempts to guarantee civil rights to African Americans, thereby conjuring fears
of “Negro domination” in the Northern as well as Southern white mind. From the Civil War
to the end of the century, not a single Democrat in Congress, representing the North or
the South, ever voted in favor of any civil rights legislation. The Supreme Court was
worse: its segregationist decisions from 1896 (Pfery) through 1927 (Ricev. GongLum, which barred Chinese from white schools) told the nation that whites were the master
race. We have seen how Woodrow Wilson won the presidency in 1912 and proceeded to segregate the federal government. Aided by Birth ofa Nation, which opened in 1915, the Ku Klux Klan rose to its zenith, boasting over a million
members. The KKK openly dominated the state government of Indiana for a time, and it
proudly inducted Pres, Warren G. Harding as a member in a White House ceremony. During the Wilson and Harding administrations, perhaps one hundred race riots took
place, more than in any other period since Reconstruction. White mobs killed African
Americans across the United States. Some of these events, like the 1919 Chicago riot, are
well known. Others, such as the 1921 riot in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in which whites dropped
dynamite from an airplane onto a black ghetto, killing more than 75 people and destroying more than 1,100 homes, have
completely vanished from our history books.

It is almost unimaginable how racist the United States became during and just after the
nadir. Mass attacks by whites wiped out or terrorized black communities in the Florida
Keys, in Springfield, Illinois, and in the Arkansas Delta, and were an implicit,
ever-present threat to every black neighborhood in the nation. Some small communities in
the Midwest and West became “sundown” towns, informally threatening African Americans with
death if they remained overnight. African Americans were excluded from juries throughout
the South and in many places in the North, which usually meant they could forget about
legal redress even for obvious wrongs like assault, theft, or arson by whites. Lynchings
offer evidence of how defenseless blacks were, for the defining characteristic of a
lynching is that the murder takes place in public, so everyone knows who did it, yet the
crime goes unpunished. During the nadir lynchings took place as far north as Duluth. Once
again, as Dred Scon had proclaimed in 1857, “a Negro had no rights a white man was bound to respect.” Every time African
Americans interacted with European Americans, no matter how insignificant the contact,
they had to be aware of how they presented themselves, lest they give offense by looking
someone in the eye, forgetting to say “sir,” or otherwise stepping out of “their place.”
Always, the threat of overwhelming force lay just beneath the surface.

The nadir left African Americans in a dilemma. An “exodus” to form new black communities
in the West did not lead to real freedom. Migration north led only to segregated urban
ghettoes. Concentrating on Booker T. Washington's plan for economic improvement while
foregoing civil and political rights could not work, because economic gains could not be
maintained without civil and political rights.80 “Back to Africa” was not practicable.

Many African Americans lost hope; family instability and crime increased. This period of
American life, not slavery, marked the beginning of what some social scientists have
called the “tangle of pathology” in African American society. Indeed, some historians date low black morale to even later periods, such as the great
migration to Northern cities (1918-70), the Depression (1929-39), or changes in urban life
and occupational structure after World War II. Unfortunately, no textbook discusses the
changing levels of white racism or black reaction in any of these periods. In any event this tangle was the result, not the cause, of the
segregation and discrimination African Americans faced. Black jockeys and mail carriers
were shut out, not because they were inadequate, but because they succeeded.

Lynch mobs often posed for the camera. They showed no fear of being identified because
they knew no white jury would convict them. Mississippi: Conflict and Change, a revisionist state history textbook I co-wrote, was rejected by the Mississippi State
Textbook Board partly because it included this photograph. At the trial that ensued, a
rating committee member stated that material like this would make it hard for a teacher to
control her students, especially a “white lady teacher” in a predominantly black class. At
this point the judge took over the questioning. “Didn't lynchings happen in Mississippi?”
he asked. Yes, admitted the rating committee member, but it was all so long ago, why dwell
on it now? “It is a history book, isn't it?” asked the judge, who eventually ruled in the
book's favor. None of the twelve textbooks in my sample includes a picture of a lynching.
I hasten to reassure that no classroom riots resulted from our book or this photograph.

Several textbooks point out individual trees in the nadir forest. From The American Way students learn that “By the early 1900s, [white workers] had convinced most labor unions
not to admit Blacks.” Land of Promise teaches that “Woodrow Wilson's administration was openly hostile to black people.” The United ScalesA History of the Republic mentions the exodus to Kansas. Seven textbooks mention the Chicago riot. Several offer a
description of lynchings. All twelve books mention P/essy v. Ferguson. Life and Liberty reveals that Southern states passed “laws that took the vote away from blacks.” A History of the Republic, Ldnd of Promise, and The American Pageant provide enough trees that readers might infer some kind of forest, except that twenty
pages on unrelated topics usually separate each tree from the next.“ Only American History and The American Adventure summarize the nadir period.S! The other ten textbooks offer no clue that race relations in the United States
systematically worsened for almost half a century. None of the textbooks analyzes the
causes of the worsening.84 Six textbooks imply or state that Jackie Robinson was ”the first black baseball player
ever allowed in the major leagues,“ in the words of Life and Liberty, even though he wasn't, leaving students with the unmistakable implication of generally
uninterrupted progress to the present,”

Textbook authors would not have to invent their descriptions of the nadir from scratch.
African Americans have left a rich and bitter legacy from the period. Students who
encounter Richard Wright's narrative of his childhood in Black Boy, read Ida B. Wells's description of a lynching in The Red Record, or sing aloud Big Bill Broonzy's “If You're Black, Get Back!” cannot but understand the
plight of a people envisioning only a narrowing of their options. No book can convey the
depths of the black experience without including material from the oppressed group. Yet
not one textbook lets African Americans speak for themselves about the conditions they
faced.

It is also crucial that students realize that the discrimination confronting African
Americans during the nadir (and afterward) was national, not just Southern. Only The American Adventure points this out. Therefore most of my first-year college students have no idea that in
many locales until after World War II, and continuing even today in some suburbs, the
North too was segregated: that blacks could not buy houses in communities around
Minneapolis, could not work in the construction trades in Philadelphia, would not be hired
as department store clerks in Chicago, and so on.

Even The American Adventure forgets its own coverage of the nadir and elsewhere offers this simplistic view of the
period: “The years 1880-1910 seemed full of contradictions. . . . During Reconstruction
many people tried hard to help the black people in the South. Then, for years, most white
Americans paid little attention to the blacks. Little by little, however, there grew a
new concern for them,” The trouble is, many white high school graduates share this
world-view. Even if white concern for blacks has been only sporadic, they would argue, why
haven't African Americans shaped up in the hundred-plus years since Reconstruction ended?
After all, immigrant groups didn't have everything handed to them on a platter, either.

It is true that some immigrant groups faced harsh discrimination, from the No Irish Need
Apply signs in Boston to the lynching of Italian Americans in New Orleans to the pogroms
against Chinese work camps in California. Some white suburban communities in the North
still shut out lews and Catholics. Nonetheless, the segregation and physical violence
aimed at African Americans has been of a higher order of magnitude. If African Americans
in the nadir had experienced only white indifference, as The American Adventure implies, rather than overt violent resistance, they could have continued to win Kentucky
Derbies, deliver mail, and even buy houses in white neighborhoods. Their problem was not
black failure or white indifferenceit was white racism.

Although formal racial discrimination grows increasingly rare, as young Americans grow up,
they cannot avoid coming up against (he rift of race relations. They will encounter
predominantly black athletic teams cheered by predominantly white cheerleaders on
television, self-segregated dining rooms on college campuses, and arguments about
affirmative action in the workplace. More than any other social variable (except sex!),
race will determine whom they marry. Most of their friendship networks will remain
segregated by race, and most churches, lodges, and other social organizations will be
overwhelmingly either black or nonblack. The ethnic incidents and race riots of tomorrow
will provoke still mote agonizing debate.