Mary Tudor (61 page)

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Authors: Linda Porter

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Mary,‘with all her council and nobility before her’, arrived at half past ten.The sword of state was carried before her by the earl of Derby and she was attended by ‘a great company of ladies and gentlewomen very richly apparelled’.Yet none of the male reporters of the scene bothered to describe her wedding dress, referring only to the fact that it had a train, ‘borne up by the marchioness of Winchester, assisted by Sir John Gage her lord chamberlain’.
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Fortunately, the wardrobe records supply the missing information, and they tell us that Mary had chosen a dress that was rich and queenly with pleasing lines. It was in the French style that Mary favoured, made of ‘rich tissue with a border and wide sleeves, embroidered upon purple satin, set with pearls of our store, lined with purple taffeta’. It had a partlet, the sleeveless jacket covering just the chest, which had been a feature of women’s clothing for some years, and a high collar.The kirtle was of white satin enriched with silver and there was, indeed, a train.The overall effect, as can be seen in the replica made for the exhibition that accompanied the 450th anniversary of the wedding in Winchester, was superb.
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But it does not seem fussy. Mary may have deliberately opted for restraint, conscious of the fact that her wedding was a solemn occasion as well as a state function. This would have been in keeping with the wedding ring she chose,‘a plain hoop of gold without any stone in it: for that was as it is said her pleasure, because maidens were so married in old times’.
Entering the cathedral by the west door, Mary ascended the steps to the dais where her bridegroom was waiting. Gardiner and the five leading bishops of the realm, all coped and mitred, stood ready. Standing beside Philip, she prepared to take the vows that would make her, a 38—year—old woman who had abandoned any thought of marriage years ago, a wife.
Before he began the marriage ceremony proper, Gardiner made a speech about the marriage treaty and its ratification in both England and Spain. He then announced to the congregation that Charles V had bestowed on his son the kingdom of Naples, before moving on to the espousal itself. The official record shows that some aspects of the marriage service are as familiar now as they were in 1554. ‘With a loud voice [Gardiner] said that, if there be any man that knoweth any lawful impediment between these two parties, that they should not go together according to the contract concluded between both realms, that they should come forth, and they should be heard.’ But whatever doubts had been raised earlier that year, in Winchester Cathedral on 25 July no dissenting voice was heard. So the bishop continued with the ceremony. It ‘was pronounced in English and Latin; and when it came to the gift of the queen it was asked who should give her. Then the marquess of Winchester, the earls of Derby, Bedford and Pembroke, gave her highness, in the name of the whole realm.’ Mary might be lacking close male relatives, but she had four peers and all her subjects to offer her in marriage.
‘Then all the people’, it was recorded, ‘gave a great shout, praying God to send them joy.’ The ring was laid upon the Bible to be blessed and Philip, in accordance with custom, added three handfuls of fine gold. Lady Margaret Clifford, the queen’s 14—year—old cousin and chief attendant, opened Mary’s purse,‘and the queen smilingly put up in the same purse. And when they had enclosed their hands, immediately the sword was advanced before the king, by the earl of Pembroke’.
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Now joined as man and wife, Philip and Mary returned hand in hand to their places on the raised dais as trumpets sounded, Mary still on the right, to hear high mass. During the hour-long service, the queen’s eyes remained fixed on the sacrament, her source of succour throughout her life. Once mass was finished, the Garter King of Arms and the heralds announced the new style of their majesties: ‘Philip and Mary, by the grace of God king and queen of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem and Ireland, defenders of the faith, princes of Spain and Sicily, archdukes of Austria, dukes of Milan, Burgundy and Brabant, counts of Habsburg, Flanders and Tyrol.’
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So Mary and her realm became suddenly part of a much wider, European empire, and Philip heard himself take precedence over her for the first time. In proclamations, at least, there was no possibility of a queen being placed before a king. A king was a king, and that was that. But he knew, as he walked down the long nave of Winchester Cathedral, out into the rain and the waiting crowds, all the while holding Mary’s hand in his, that to be proclaimed a king was one thing. To be allowed to rule was quite another.
The couple proceeded on foot to the bishop’s palace, where the finest of wedding receptions was prepared for them. There they ‘dined most sumptuously together’ under the cloth of state, just the two of them at their table, while music played. The privy councillors and ambassadors sat separately and there were two further tables for all the rest of the Spanish and English gentlemen, about 140 people in total. The ladies occupied their own table and all ‘were admirably served, in perfect order and silence’. An indication of the kind of fare offered to this large company was given by the same Edward Underhill who had reported on the alarm in the queen’s quarters during Wyatt’s attack on London. ‘We were the chief servitors, to carry the meat,’ he recorded. ‘The second course at the marriage of a king is given unto the bearers’ (a custom that must have helped those with less than gargantuan appetites). ‘I mean’, he continued, ‘the meat, but not the dishes, for they were of gold. It was my chance to carry a great pasty of red deer in a great charger, very delicately baked; which for the weight thereof, divers refused; the which pasty I sent unto London to my wife and her brother, who cheered therewith many of their friends.’
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After the meal was finished, everyone went to another hall, where there was dancing. Philip danced with Mary and ‘the dukes and noble-men of Spain … with the fair ladies and the most beautiful nymphs of England’. Here, John Elder seems to have allowed himself some poetic leeway. The Spaniards were far from impressed by the English ladies, whom they regarded as unappealing in their self-confidence and not at all attractive. They were shockingly bold and unrestrained: ‘they wear black stockings and show their legs up to the knee when walking. As their skirts are not long they are passably immodest when walking, and even when seated.They are neither beautiful nor graceful when dancing and their dances only consist in strutting or trotting about. Not a single Spanish gentleman has fallen in love with one of them … and their feelings for us are the same.’ And things were even more trying for the Spanish ladies, who could hardly be expected to go to court ‘because they would have no one to talk with, as the English ladies are of evil conversation’.
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But Underhill thought there was another reason for all this aggravation. The Iberian guests ‘were greatly out of countenance’ because the English lords were better dancers, even showing up King Philip. Seldom can the pastime of dancing have provoked so much controversy over what constituted propriety and grace.
The dancing on Mary’s wedding night did not go on late into the evening; the English habitually retired early, even in summer. After a while, the king and queen departed and took supper separately. Each needed to be readied for the final act of the day. No one knows what passed in private conversation between Mary and her ladies, or whether she was anxious as the time to retire for the night approached.When all was ready, Gardiner blessed the marriage bed and they were left alone together, like any couple. ‘What happened that night only they know,’ was the comment of one of Philip’s Spanish retinue. The English, perhaps conscious of their queen’s sensibilities, refrained from any such speculation.
 
It seems probable that they did not spend the entire night together, as Philip got up at seven o’clock the next morning and heard mass. Mary, in time-honoured fashion, remained quietly in private with her women for the next couple of days. Her husband had plenty of business to occupy him as he constantly reviewed the situation in the Low Countries and supervised the arrangements for sending the soldiers who had accompanied him from Spain to buttress the garrisons across the North Sea. Mary also emerged to meet the duchess of Alva, the highest ranked of the Spanish ladies, and to see ambassadors.The couple dined together in public again on 29 July, in the company of the earls of Pembroke and Arundel, and, while Mary’s ladies passed their time in dancing and entertainment, the Spanish did what tourists do and visited the local sights. They went to see what was reputed to be King Arthur’s famous Round Table at the castle, noting that ‘the names of his twelve knights are written where they used to sit round the table’. In general, however, they found that the age of chivalry was long dead. The roads were full of robbers, even in daylight, and some of Philip’s belongings had already gone missing.
On the last day of the month, the royal party left Winchester in the early afternoon to begin the leisurely journey back to London. Philip already knew that the situation in Flanders was improving, so he could not have been entirely surprised when he received a letter from his father countermanding the earlier order for his speedy departure. Charles was not filled with optimism but the rainy season was coming on and he did not think there would be any more fighting for a while. It was important, he felt, for Philip to establish a good reputation in England. ‘On the whole, therefore, we think you had better stay where you are and be with the queen, my daughter, busying yourself with the government of England, settling affairs there and making yourself familiar with the people, which it is most important for you to do for present and future considerations’.
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At that point, he was probably not counting Mary’s contentment among these, but two days later, after hearing accounts of the marriage, he acknowledged that this too was a consideration, writing to his son: ‘I am sure you are doing your best to make the queen happy, showing her all the love and devotion she deserves.’
In this respect, in the early days of their relationship, Philip could not be faulted. He was an admirably attentive husband, so much so that he even fooled the same Spanish gentlemen who were so appalled by the sight of an Englishwoman’s legs. ‘Their majesties are the happiest couple in the world, and more in love than words can say. His highness never leaves her, and when they are on the road he is ever by her side, helping her to mount and dismount.’ Mary, who rode well, must have found this degree of attention touching. Her affectionate nature was completely beguiled and she wanted her father-in-law to know how pleased she was. In the emperor’s consideration for her, she told him,
I see a proof of your majesty’s watchful care for the realm’s and my own interests, for which, and above all for having so far spared the person of the king, my husband, I most humbly thank you. I own that you are thereby imposing on me an obligation so far surpassing all other benefits that I shall never be able to acquit myself; so I will only offer to your majesty all that my small powers enable me to give, always praying God so as to inspire my subjects that they may realise the affection you bear this kingdom and the honour and advantages you have conferred upon it by this marriage and alliance, which renders me happier than I can say, as I daily discover in the king, my husband and your son, so many virtues and perfections that I constantly pray God to grant me grace to please him and behave in all things as befits one who is so deeply embounden to him …
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Her own inclinations, the encouragement of her ladies and Philip’s exemplary behaviour combined to heady effect. She, certainly, was in love, and in the surge of unexpected emotion she did not stop to think that she was confusing pretty manners with genuine feeling. Philip’s servants knew differently. It was a constant effort for him, but one that would reap benefits politically. Ruy Gomez was impressed by his master: ‘He treats the queen very kindly and well knows how to pass over the fact that she is no good from the point of view of fleshly sensuality. He makes her so happy that the other day when they were alone she almost talked love-talk to him, and he replied in the same vein. And his way with the English lords is so winning that they themselves say they have never had a king to whom they so quickly grew attached.’
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The royal couple arrived at Richmond on 11 August and, one week later, they made a triumphal entry into London itself.The pageants and displays this time, almost a year after the celebrations of Mary’s state entry before her coronation, were very much focused on the new king. He was greeted as a mighty prince: ‘sole hope of Caesar’s side, By God appointed all the world to guide, Right heartily welcome art thou to our land’, read the banners over the Tower. Further along, Philip saw himself compared to four noble Philips of the past, the king of ancient Macedonia, two dukes of Burgundy named Philip and a Roman emperor:‘In birth, in fortune, boldness, vertuous name, thou Philip passest these Philips four, alone,’ it was claimed. The parade went on as far as Whitehall, all the while echoing similar sentiments. It was gratifying, but no more than show. When the king and queen reached the palace, reality struck home for Philip. Mary took the lodgings on what was commonly called the king’s side, and he was housed in the apartments of the queen consorts. After a few days, he and the queen left for Hampton Court, there to remain through the autumn until the opening of Mary’s third parliament on 12 November.

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