Mr. Britling Sees It Through (41 page)

“And scores of thousands haven't!” said Lady Frensham. “They are the men I'm thinking of. …”

Mr. Britling ran through a little list of aristocratic stay-at-homes that began with a duke.

“And not a soul speaks to him in consequence,” she said.

She shifted her attack to the Labour people. They would rather see the country defeated than submit to a little discipline.

“Because they have no faith in the house of lawyers or the house of landlords,” said Mr. Britling. “Who can blame them?”

She proceeded to tell everybody what she would do with strikers. She would give them “short shrift.” She would give them a taste of the Prussian way—homoeopathic treatment. “But of course old vote-catching Asquith daren't—he daren't!” Mr. Britling opened his mouth and said nothing; he was silenced. The men in khaki listened respectfully but ambiguously; one of the younger ladies it seemed was entirely of Lady Frensham's way of thinking, and anxious to show it. The good lady having now got her hands upon the Cabinet proceeded to deal faithfully with its two-and-twenty members.
Winston Churchill had overridden Lord Fisher upon the question of Gallipoli, and incurred terrible responsibilities. Lord Haldane—she called him “Tubby Haldane”—was a convicted traitor. “The man's a German out and out. Oh! what if he hasn't a drop of German blood in his veins? He's a German by choice—which is worse.”

“I thought he had a certain capacity for organisation,” said Mr. Britling.

“We don't want his organisation, and we don't want
him
,” said Lady Frensham.

Mr. Britling pleaded for particulars of the late Lord Chancellor's treasons. There were no particulars. It was just an idea the good lady had got into her head, that had got into a number of accessible heads. There was only one strong man in all the country now, Lady Frensham insisted. That was Sir Edward Carson.

Mr. Britling jumped in his chair.

“But has he ever done anything?” he cried, “except embitter Ireland?”

Lady Frensham did not hear that question. She pursued her glorious theme. Lloyd George, who had once been worthy only of the gallows, was now the sole minister fit to put beside her hero. He had won her heart by his condemnation of the working man. He was the one man who was not afraid to speak out, to tell them they drank, to tell them they shirked and loafed, to tell them plainly that if defeat came to this country the blame would fall upon
them
!

“
No
!” cried Mr. Britling.

“Yes,” said Lady Frensham. “Upon them and those who have flattered and misled them. …”

And so on. …

It presently became necessary for Lady Homartyn to rescue Mr. Britling from the great lady's patriotic tramplings. He found himself drifting into the autumnal garden—the show of dahlias had never been so wonderful—in the company of Raeburn and the staff-officer and a small woman who was presently discovered to be remarkably well informed. They were all despondent. “I think all this promiscuous blaming of people is quite the worse— and most ominous—thing about us just now,” said Mr. Britling after the restful pause that followed their departure from the presence of Lady Frensham.

“It goes on everywhere,” said the staff-officer.

“Is it really—honest?” said Mr. Britling.

Raeburn, after reflection, decided to answer. “As far as it is stupid, yes. There's a lot of blame coming; there's bound to be a day of reckoning, and I suppose we've all got an instinctive disposition to find a scapegoat for our common sins. The Tory press is pretty rotten, and there's a strong element of mere personal spite—in the Churchill attacks for example. Personal jealousy probably. Our ‘old families' seem to have got vulgar-spirited imperceptibly—in a generation or so. They quarrel and shirk and lay blame exactly as bad servants do—and things are still far too much in their hands. Things are getting muffed, there can be no doubt about that—not fatally, but still rather seriously. And the government—it was human before the war, and we've added no archangels. There's muddle. There's mutual suspicion. You never know what newspaper office Lloyd George won't be in touch with next. He's honest and patriotic and energetic, but he's mortally afraid of old women and class intrigues. He doesn't know where to get his backing. He's got all a labour member's terror of the dagger at his back. There's a lack of nerve, too, in getting rid of prominent officers—who have friends.”

The Staff-officer nodded.

“Northcliffe seems to me to have a case,” said Mr. Britling. “Every one abuses him.”

“I'd stop his
Daily Mail
,” said Raeburn, “I'd leave
The Times
, but I'd stop
The Daily Mail
on the score of its placards alone. It overdoes Northcliffe. It translates him into the shrieks and yells of underlings. The plain fact is that Northcliffe is scared out of his wits by German efficiency—and in war-time when a man is scared out of his wits, whether he is honest or not, you put his head in a bag or hold a pistol to it to calm him… What is the good of all this clamouring for a change of government? We haven't change of government. It's like telling a tramp to get a change of linen. Our men, all our public men, are second-rate men, with the habits of advocates. There is nothing masterful in their minds. How can you expect the system to produce anything else? But they are doing as well as they can, and there is no way of putting in any one else now, and there you are.”

“Meanwhile,” said Mr. Britling, “our boys—get killed.”

“They'd get killed all the more if you had—let us say— Carson and Lloyd George and Northcliffe and Lady Frensham, with, I suppose, Austin Harrison and Horatio Bottomley thrown in—as a Strong Silent Government. … I'd rather have Northcliffe as dictator than that… We can't suddenly go back on the past and alter our type. We didn't listen to Matthew Arnold. We've never thoroughly turned out and cleaned up our higher schools. We've resisted instruction. We've preferred to maintain our national luxuries of a bench of bishops and party politics. And compulsory Greek and the university sneer. And Lady Frensham. And all that sort of thing. And here we are! … Well, damn it, we're in for it now; we've got to plough through with it—with what we have—as what we are.”

The young staff-officer nodded. He thought that was “about it.”

“You've got no sons,” said Mr. Britling.

“I'm not even married,” said Raeburn, as though he thanked God.

The little well-informed lady remarked abruptly that she had two sons; one was just home wounded from Suvla Bay. What her son told her made her feel very grave. She said that the public was still quite in the dark about the battle of Anafarta. If had been a hideous muddle, and we had been badly beaten. The staff work had been awful. Nothing joined up, nothing was on the spot and in time. The water-supply, for example, had gone wrong; the men had been mad with thirst. One regiment which she named had not been supported by another; when at last the first came back the two battalions fought in the trenches regardless of the enemy. There had been no leading, no correlation, no plan. Some of the guns, she declared, had been left behind in Egypt. Some of the train was untraceable to this day. It was mislaid somewhere in the Levant. At the beginning Sir Ian Hamilton had not even been present. He had failed to get there in time. It had been the reckless throwing away of an army. And so hopeful an army! Her son declared it meant the complete failure of the Dardanelles project…

“And when one hears how near we came to victory!” she cried, and left it at that.

“Three times this year,” said Raeburn, “we have missed victories because of the badness of our staff work. It's no good picking out scapegoats. It's a question of national habit. It's because the sort of man we turn out from our public schools has never learned how to catch trains, get to an office on the minute, pack a knapsack properly, or do anything smartly and
quickly—anything whatever that he can possibly get done for him. You can't expect men who are habitually easy-going to keep bucked up to a high pitch of efficiency for any length of time. All their training is against it. All their tradition. They hate being prigs. An Englishman will be any sort of stupid failure rather than appear a prig. That's why we've lost three good fights that we ought to have won—and thousands and thousands of men— and material and time, precious beyond reckoning. We've lost a year. We've dashed the spirit of our people.”

“My boy in Flanders,” said Mr. Britling, “says about the same thing. He says our officers have never learned to count beyond ten, and that they are scared at the sight of a map. …”

“And the war goes on,” said the little woman.

“How long, oh Lord! how long?” cried Mr. Britling.

“I'd give them another year,” said the staff-officer. “Just going as we are going. Then something
must
give way. There will be no money anywhere. There'll be no more men. … I suppose they'll feel that shortage first anyhow. Russia alone has over twenty millions.”

“That's about the size of it,” said Raeburn. …

“Do you think, sir, there'll be civil war?” asked the young staff-officer abruptly after a pause.

There was a little interval before any one answered this surprising question.

“After the peace, I mean,” said the young officer.

“There'll be just the devil to pay,” said Raeburn.

“One thing after another in the country is being pulled up by its roots,” reflected Mr. Britling.

“We've never produced a plan for the war, and it isn't likely we shall have one for the peace,” said Raeburn, and added: “and Lady Frensham's little lot will be doing their level best to sit on
the safety-valve. … They'll rake up Ireland and Ulster from the very start. But I doubt if Ulster will save 'em.

“We shall squabble. What else do we ever do?”

No one seemed able to see more than that. A silence fell on the little party.

“Well, thank heaven for these dahlias,” said Raeburn, affecting the philosopher.

The young staff-officer regarded the dahlias without enthusiasm. …

§ 16

Mr. Britling sat one September afternoon with Captain Lawrence Carmine in the sunshine of the barn court, and smoked with him and sometimes talked and sometimes sat still.

“When it began I did not believe that this war could be like other wars,” he said. “I did not dream it. I thought that we had grown wiser at last. It seemed to me like the dawn of a great clearing up. I thought the common sense of mankind would break out like a flame, an indignant flame, and consume all this obsolete foolery of empires and banners and militarism directly it made its attack upon human happiness. A score of things that I see now were preposterous, I thought must happen— naturally. I thought America would declare herself against the Belgian outrage; that she would not tolerate the smashing of the great sister republic—if only for the memory of Lafayette. Well—I gather America is chiefly concerned about our making cotton contraband. I thought the Balkan States were capable of a reasonable give and take; of a common care for their common freedom. I see now three German royalties trading
in peasants, and no men in their lands to gainsay them. I saw this war, as so many Frenchmen have seen it, as something that might legitimately command a splendid enthusiasm of indignation. … It was all a dream, the dream of a prosperous comfortable man who had never come to the cutting edge of life. Everywhere cunning, everywhere small feuds and hatreds, distrusts, dishonesties, timidities, feebleness of purpose, dwarfish imaginations, swarm over the great and simple issues. … It is a war now like any other of the mobbing, many-aimed cataclysms that have shattered empires and devastated the world; it is a war without point, a war that has lost its soul, it has become mere incoherent fighting and destruction, a demonstration in vast and tragic forms of the stupidity and ineffectiveness of our species. …”

He stopped, and there was a little interval of silence.

Captain Carmine tossed the fag end of his cigar very neatly into a tub of hydrangeas. “Three thousand years ago in China,” he said, “there were men as sad as we are, for the same cause.”

“Three thousand years ahead perhaps,” said Mr. Britling, “there will still be men with the same sadness. … And yet— and yet. … No. Just now I have no elasticity. It is not in my nature to despair, but things are pressing me down. I don't recover as I used to recover. I tell myself still that though the way is long and hard the spirit of hope, the spirit of creation, the generosities and gallantries in the heart of man, must end in victory. But I say that over as one repeats a worn-out prayer. The light is out of the sky for me. Sometimes I doubt if it will ever come back. Let younger men take heart and go on with the world. If I could die for the right thing now—instead of just having to live on in this world of ineffective struggle—I would be glad to die now, Carmine. …”

§ 17

In these days also Mr. Direck was very unhappy.

For Cissie, at any rate, had not lost touch with the essential issues of the war. She was as clear as ever that German militarism and the German attack on Belgium and France was the primary subject of the war. And she dismissed all secondary issues. She continued to demand why America did not fight. “We fight for Belgium. Won't you fight for the Dutch and Norwegian ships? Won't you even fight for your own ships that the Germans are sinking?”

Mr. Direck attempted explanations that were ill received.

“You were ready enough to fight the Spaniards when they blew up the
Maine
, But the Germans can sink the
Lusitania
! That's—as you say—a different proposition.”

His mind was shot by an extraordinary suspicion that she thought the
Lusitania
an American vessel. But Mr. Direck was learning his Cissie, and he did not dare to challenge her on this score.