Authors: Allen Drury
Tags: #Literature & Fiction, #Genre Fiction, #Political, #Mystery; Thriller & Suspense, #Thrillers & Suspense, #Spies & Politics, #Assassinations, #Thrillers
Promise of Joy (49 page)
World tension grows as Russ and Chinese reported moving new troops to edge of atomic war zone.
No official saw them off at Peking airport, as none had seen them off in Moscow. Cars appeared, baggage was loaded, they were driven by mask-faced men through deserted streets. Behind them came the press buses, their occupants for once subdued and silent. The mission begun in such desperately high hopes was ending in profound depression, uncertainty and fear.
Around the small conference table in Air Force One they faced one another with the air of veterans of a long and tiring siege, though actually they had only been gone eight days.
“I feel,” he remarked, “as though we’ve been gone, forever. And yet”—he paused, his eyes widened, looking into troubled distances—“I don’t see what else we could have done. We had to go.”
“Certainly we did,” Arly Richardson said, almost impatiently. “You had to make the attempt.”
“As you have to keep on making the attempt,” William Abbott said, “at the UN—at home—everywhere there’s the slightest chance.”
“Yes,” he said. “Bob”—he turned to the Secretary of State—“I want you to issue at once, as soon as you get back to Washington, the full transcripts of our formal meetings with Shulatov and Lin. I will give you detailed memos on my two private talks with Lin, which are to be included.”
“They won’t like it,” Bob Leffingwell said. The President smiled without much humor.
“I’ll manage to stand that. I want the world to know exactly what we all said and exactly what it is up against in these two new governments.”
“It should create some sympathy for China, I would think,” Bob Munson remarked. The President nodded.
“I would certainly think so. Which may come in useful later.”
“You aren’t going to take sides, are you?” Hal asked in some alarm.
“I don’t know what I’m going to do yet,” he said with a sudden impatience of his own. Then he smiled and softened it. “I’m sorry, Hal, I don’t mean to take your head off. I can’t conceive at this moment of taking sides in a military sense, but there’s still an enormous task ahead in the UN and in mustering public opinion both at home and abroad. The fact that China at least made a small gesture in the direction of peace is one of the things that may be helpful. God knows,” he added wryly, “I’m going to need everything I can muster.”
“Mr. President, sir,” Jawbone said, “I think ole Arly and I can get you that new defense bill through in about two hours flat when we get back to the Hill, don’t you, Arly, now?”
Senator Richardson, who obviously did not altogether enjoy being referred to as “ole Arly,” replied with a certain annoyed dignity:
“I don’t think there will be the slightest trouble on the Senate side, do you, Bob?”
“Not a smidgin,” Senator Munson agreed. “We can get it in and out of committee in an hour and then I think it will almost—almost—pass without debate. Except that I’m sure both you and I will want to give our personal impressions of what went on over there, as I suppose you and Bill will too, Jawbone.”
“Oh, yes,” the Speaker agreed. “I want to tell ’em, sure enough. That ole Russian, shruggin’ and smirkin’, and all!”
“Well,” the President suggested, “don’t make it too lurid. Just stick to the facts, they’re ominous enough. I think in Hawaii, Blair, that I’d like you to stay with me for my talk with the Joint Chiefs of Staff. I’d like the rest of you, with the exception of you, Bill, to split off and return to Washington and get to work on it at once. I’d like you to come on to the UN with me, Bill, if you will. I’m going to fly direct to New York from Hawaii, I’m not going back through Washington.”
“Fine,” the ex-President said, and the Secretary of Defense nodded agreement. He gave the President an appraising glance and spoke with the candor of long political association.
“What are you planning with the Joint Chiefs? Just window dressing?”
The President gave him an equally candid smile in return.
“Essentially, yes. There’s no great need for them to come, of course, but I want to arrive day after tomorrow in New York with both a top-secret meeting with them, and the new defense bill, under my belt. This will be a signal to our friends in Moscow and Peking, I hope, that if they want to play the old game, the United States is ready. Not that we intend to, of course, because I am determined”—his face became grim as he repeated—
“I
am determined
to find peace, somehow, out of all this. But it isn’t going to hurt to use a little psychological warfare. I need clout and I intend to have it.”
“We’ll get it for you, Mr. President, sir!” Jawbone assured him earnestly. “We’ll get it for you!”
“I appreciate that,” he said, without irony.
“Actually, Dad,” Hal said soberly, “what
can
you do?”
He stared down at the table for a moment before replying. Then he sighed.
“Yes, exactly so: what
can
I do? Put the case—make it as strong as possible—hope the nations are still terrified enough so that I can swing them behind me—and get the word back to Moscow and Peking that if they do not cooperate in both creating and keeping the peace, they will suffer real and immediate consequences of a nature they will not be able to withstand.”
“In other words,” Hal said bleakly, “more war and bigger war and final war.”
“Not if I can get the support of the world,” his father said stubbornly. “Not if the nations will get behind me.”
“It’s a gamble,” his predecessor observed with a sigh of his own.
“I have to gamble, Bill,” he said simply. “It’s all that’s left.”
Understanding this, they fell silent and stared soberly at him, who had to carry the frightful burden of the gamble, with concern, affection and the desperate resolve to help him in every way they could, so much depended upon that one determined mind and that one undaunted heart.
President, joint chiefs announce Hawaii accord on “all necessary steps to strengthen U.S. position.” Armed forces put on immediate worldwide alert. Congress rushes new ten-billion defense fund through both Houses in three hours.
Nations gather in New York for tomorrow’s UN session.
“Major skirmish” rumored on Russ-Chinese border.
4
“This special emergency session of the General Assembly will be in order,” said Brazil, this month’s president, with a smart rap of the gavel. “It is my privilege and honor to present to you the President of the United States of America.”
There was a roar of applause as he appeared on the podium. It was quickly stilled. Desperate and worried, the eyes of the world devoured him. He stood staring out for a moment in his characteristic thoughtful way while the final whispers and rustles died. He began to speak in a level, almost impersonal voice.
“Mr. President, my colleagues of the United Nations: I come to you after spending ten days in another world.
“I wish that I could report to you that from it I have returned with peace for all mankind.
“Honesty prohibits such a claim.
“You all have followed the reports of my mission in the world press. Most of you, I am sure, have read the transcripts, released yesterday by the Secretary of State, of the meetings my colleagues and I had with the President of the United States of Russia and the President of the United Chinese Republic.
“They were not,” he said, and his words were received with a long-drawn sigh as though they had not quite believed it, had been clinging to some last, wan hope, until he spelled it out for them, “encouraging.
“They were, in fact, disturbing, dismaying and terribly depressing.
“They placed upon me, and upon you, the burden of deciding where the world proceeds next in the search for peace. Apparently, for the time being at least, the world is not going to receive the willing cooperation of the new governments of Russia and China.
“Therefore, what do we do now?
“It first occurred to me to urge a worldwide quarantine of these two governments until more moderate counsels prevailed within their ranks. On reflection, that seemed a self-defeating idea. Intransigent as they are, dangerous as they are in their present mood to the entire world, still it would seem best to maintain a dialogue of some kind, keep open all the channels we can, keep talking in some fashion, however unsatisfactory, in the hope that before long we shall be able to persuade them to cooperate in the things that must be done.
“Providing you and I stand firmly together, I do not think this will take very long. Both countries, as you know, are still close to chaos. The hold of the new governments is shaky at best. Monumental problems of human rehabilitation and physical reconstruction face them both. They need the world as much as the world needs them. It is my hope that they too are reflecting, and that before long they will join willingly in the great endeavor of universal peace.
“As a first step in achieving the world stability which is absolutely imperative, I move, Mr. President, on behalf of the American delegation, that the General Assembly forthwith and unanimously declare that the vacant seats on the Security Council and in the General Assembly formerly held by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China be filled immediately by the United States of Russia and the United Chinese Republic.”
A great excited burst of cheering and applause welled up from floor and galleries, and all across the great garish room delegates from many countries were on their feet shouting, “Second!” and “Vote!”
“You have heard the motion of the distinguished President of the United States of America,” Brazil said when he had finally restored order with vigorous bangs of the gavel. “All in favor—”
“AYE!” roared the Assembly, galleries and all.
“All opposed—”
But of course none were, and into the babble of happy excited voices Brazil shouted, “It is unanimously approved and ordered and the rosters of the Security Council and the General Assembly are again complete with the addition of the United States of Russia and the United Chinese Republic!”
And once more there was prolonged and happily excited applause, finally dying down into a humming and optimistic murmuring into which his next words came, as he intended they should, like a bucket of cold water.
“And now, my friends of the United Nations”—and something in his voice instantly hushed the room—“having taken that generous and worthy action, we must return to the realities.
“I have had, as you know, extensive discussions with the Joint Chiefs of Staff. I have placed the armed forces of the United States of America on worldwide alert. I have requested, and the Congress has approved with a unanimous bipartisan vote, an emergency defense fund of ten billion dollars.
“Why have I done these things, when no enemy exists in the world to challenge the United States?
“Because I feel that such actions may contribute to a better working relationship with the new governments of Russia and China. Because I believe that for the moment, hard though it is to imagine, they still think things can be settled by the same old outmoded, warlike means that have brought them to the sad condition they now suffer. Because I believe that this United Nations must be, if you like, the watchdog—the active watchdog—of the peace.
“You know that the new governments have refused to allow the humanitarian activities of the International Relief Commission, to which we all are contributing, to proceed independent and unhampered. You know that they have refused to permit the entry into their countries of the international peace-keeping force, to which nearly all of us have also contributed. You know that they have refused the offer of the United States for a graduated and speedy reduction of all armaments to simple defense forces, and the creation of a permanent United Nations Peace Force to keep the peace everywhere.
“Therefore measures stronger than words may be necessary to secure their cooperation. We of the United States of America have made certain that we will be able to contribute to those measures if it be the will of the United Nations to invoke them.”
He paused, took a sip of water. He could sense an uneasy stirring in his audience, for the first time felt a resistance growing. He had expected it. His concluding words were calm, confident, deliberately impervious.
“Mr. President, my colleagues of the United Nations: it is the thought of my government that substantive action along these lines should originate in the Security Council and therefore we are now formally asking for such a session, to be held at two p.m. tomorrow afternoon. This will allow time for the delegates of the United Chinese Republic and the United States of Russia to arrive and take their seats. It will also give all members of the United Nations time to consider the course of action we should adopt. My delegation will have a resolution to introduce which we hope will offer a reasonable basis for discussion and decision. In due course we will offer a similar resolution in the General Assembly. We hope they will win the approval of all of you.”
He paused and looked out thoughtfully once more before concluding.
“My friends of the United Nations—my friends of the world: this is a grave hour, undoubtedly the gravest ever to confront humanity. The very life of the globe is at stake. I have tried, alone save for my trusted advisers, to resolve its terrifying imperatives on your behalf. Unfortunately my individual efforts—what might be called ‘the first round’—have failed. It is my hope that the ‘second round’—in which the world will stand united behind, and insist upon, the things that must be done to create universal peace—will be successful.
“With your help and support, peace will prevail.
“It will prevail because it must.
“Otherwise we all are truly lost.”
And with a grave bow to Brazil, he stepped quickly from the podium and disappeared into the corridor behind, from which he was rushed away by the Secret Service to his heavily guarded penthouse in the Waldorf-Astoria. Behind him he left a United Nations restless with uncertainty and a world press seething with speculation. Here and there from overseas came the first open intimations of a hesitation, a wavering, a pulling back. As he had foreseen, time was running out on the world stage as it was apparently running out in the war zone. He found to his gratification, however, that his own media were still solidly behind him.
“We find ourselves,” the
Times
summed up for them all in the stately tones he had not heard for ten whole days, “in complete agreement with the address of the President to the United Nations—as we also find ourselves in agreement with the measures he has taken to put the United States in readiness to cooperate with whatever action the United Nations may decide upon in the special emergency session of the Security Council.
“There was a time when the President’s policy of military preparedness might have been regarded as saber-rattling. Viewed in the light of the tragic failure of his peace mission to Moscow and Peking, it appears no more than necessary prudence. It also opens the door to bold and affirmative United Nations action to save the peace—if the UN will
be
affirmative, and if it will be bold.
“With great generosity and statesmanship, the President led the way in welcoming the new Chinese and Russian governments into the world body. Now generosity and statesmanship must be demanded of those governments. If they do not respond, other measures may be necessary. Ticklish though they might be, we applaud the President’s courage in facing them unblinking and unafraid.…”
“This special emergency session of the Security Council,” said Australia in a voice that reflected the enormous tension in the room, “will be in order. Have the delegates from the United States of Russia and the United Chinese Republic presented their credentials?”
“No, Mr. President,” the Secretary-General said gravely, “they have not.”
“Are they on their way, does anyone know?” Australia inquired.
Norway raised his hand.
“I have been asked by both governments to announce that their delegates have landed at Kennedy Airport and are on their way here at this moment. They are expected to arrive momentarily.”
“Very well, then,” Australia said, “if there is no objection, we will take a fifteen-minute recess pending their arrival. I would suggest delegates remain near at hand, because we wish to resume as soon as they are here.”
During the interval the excited buzzing that had begun when the United States delegation took its seats again filled the room. The President himself was here, walking in at the head of his colleagues, the ex-President, the Secretary of State and Ambassador Jason. The President and William Abbott looked rested and calm, Robert A. Leffingwell a little preoccupied as befitted one who had just flown up from Washington. Ceil was dressed in a gracefully tailored deep-blue suit which set off her blonde beauty to perfection.
She looked, as
The
London
Times
murmured to his New York counterpart, like a piece of bone china, an exquisite figurine. “But one,”
The
New York
Times
remarked, “which isn’t going to break.” “None of your group looks that way,”
The
London
Times
observed. “They all look tough this morning.” “It’s a tough world,”
The
New York Times
said. “Right,”
The
London
Times
agreed. “What are they going to propose that we do about it?” “I haven’t quite got the scoop, yet,”
The
New York Times
confessed. “Orrin is playing this one very close to his vest. Apparently no copies have been distributed and none are going to be until he speaks.” “You mean we have to fall back on good old-fashioned reporting?”
The
London
Times
inquired wryly. “For shame!” “It may not be easy, either,”
The
New York Times
said. “Lord knows what he’s going to come up with, but I suspect it’s going to be serious.” “I suspect so,”
The London
Times
said with a trace of gloom. “Damned difficult situation all around, isn’t it?
Damned
difficult.” “We still have faith in our Orrin,”
The
New York
Times
said with an attempt at lightness. “Although”—lightness vanished—“we think he may be treading on very dangerous ground.” “Who isn’t, these days?”
The
London
Times
asked with a shrug less carefree than it looked. “Who isn’t … My, everybody’s really here today, aren’t they? Most of the Assembly must be on hand, too.” “They want to see,”
The
Louisville
Courier
said from the row behind, “whether Orrin is going to blow us up, close us down or just give us a lecture.” “More than a lecture, I suspect,”
The
London
Times
said. “I say—” he added excitedly, as there was a sudden stirring, an instantaneous rush of excitement, a tumble of photographers surging backwards into the room, dancing frantically ahead of the small gray-clad group that entered slowly but purposefully from a door to the left. “Is that the Chinese?” “I believe it is,”
The
Courier
confirmed with equal excitement. “But who is it? Do you know what Lin looks like? It couldn’t be he, could it?”
In the chair Australia too obviously had some doubt, rapping automatically for order but looking uncertain until one of the gray-clad figures detached himself from the group now settling into the section formerly occupied by the People’s Republic of China and came forward to whisper in his ear. There was an instant attentive hush.
“Ladies and gentlemen of the Council,” Australia said, voice trembling with emotion, “it gives me great pleasure to welcome the President of the United Chinese Republic and his delegation.”
Applause burst, rose, roared. Everyone was standing in instant ovation, faces were smiling, doubts were momentarily submerged in a wave of friendly greeting. It had barely begun to subside when from the door to the right there came another tumble of photographers, an instantaneous focusing of attention, a new wave of excitement and tension. There entered another small group of men, these clad entirely in blue-serge business suits. Solemnly they came forward amid the watching hush to take their seats in the section formerly reserved for the Soviet Union. Once again a messenger went forward, once again Australia made the announcement in a voice strained with excitement.
