Richard The Chird (79 page)

13 For Duke Maximilian, see Harleian MS. 433, f. 236b (in L. and P., I, pp. 26-30).

For the Scots, ibid., f. 246b (in L. and P., I, pp. 51-52).

For Richard and James, ibid., f. 247 (in L.'and P., I, p. 53); Christ Church Letters, p. 46.

For Douglas and Albany, Harleian MS. 433, f. 5ib; Rous, Historia Regum Angliae, p. 217.

14 For the Irish coinage, see Harleian MS. 433, f. 233 (in L. and P., II, pp. 286-87 and Original Letters, series 3, I, pp. 103-05); for the appointment of Kildare, ibid., f. 242 (in L, and P., I, pp. 43-46); for Richard's treatment of Desmond, ibid., f. 265b (in Original Letters, series 2, I, pp. 122-23).

15 For Louis' note to Richard, ibid., f. 2360 (in L. and P., I, p. 25).

For Richard's note to Louis, ibid., f. 237 (in L. and P., I, pp. 34-35); two days later, Richard wrote Louis a brief note, in the same casual vein, asking for license to ship a supply of wines.

For Richard's fleet, ibid., f. ii3b.

16 Vergil, pp. 190-91; Foedera, XII, p. 194; Harleian MS. 433, f. 241 (in L. and P., I, pp. 22-23).

17 For the movements of the King, ibid., ff. loob-m; for the summonses, ibid., f. i nb.

18 York Records, pp. 157-67.

For Prince Edward, see Harleian MS. 433, f. 118; Col. Charter Rolls, VI, p. 260.

For Richard's train, Rous, Historia Regum Angliae, p. 217; Register of Magdalen, pp. 11-12-, York Records, p. 176.

19 For the order to the Wardrobe, see Harleian MS. 433, f. 126 (transcribed with some inaccuracies in Halliwell, Letters of the Kings of England, I. pp. 252-53); see also York Records, p, 283.

For the apparel for Tyrell, "Wardrobe Account," p. 363.

For the Mayor's entertaining, York Records, p. 176.

For the "Creed play," ibid., pp. 171-72 and p. 282.

As Davies has shown (ibid., p. 285), the investiture of the Prince was not a second coronation. It is described in the patent conferring knighthood on Sasiola (Foedera, XII, p. 200); see also Vergil, p. 190.

For the remission of fee farm, York Records, pp. 173-75; compare Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 409.

For the royal household in the North, Vergil, pp. 187-88. This indicates only that the Earl of Warwick went to live at Sheriff Hutton, but it seems probable that Lincoln did likewise in view of their later association. Though Vergil says that Warwick was "in ward," there is evidence to show that this statement is false (see text, p. 377 and York Records, pp. 210-13).

2a For the commissions of oyer and terminer, see Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 465.

For the mission of Mainbier, Harleian MS. 433, f. 247b (in L and P., I, pp. 37-43). Mainbier left Nantes about August 26.

21 Ibid., £.115 and f. 120; Stonor Letters and Papers, II, p. 163.

Ill

1 Croy. Chron., pp. 490-91.

2 Rot. Parl., VI, p. 244; Agnes E. Conway, "The Maidstone Sector of Buckingham's Rebellion," Archaeologia Cantiana, XXXVII (1925), pp. 106-14; Stonor Letters and Papers, II, p. 70, pp. 122-24, and introduction.

3 Croy. Chron., p. 491. * Hall, pp. 388-89.

5 Vergil, pp. 193-97.

6 More, pp. 135-43-

7 Croy. Car on., p. 491.

8 P. I 95 . •P. I 95 .

1° HMC, VI, p. 244; Gairdner, Richard III, pp. 107-08.

11 Rous, Historia Regum Angliae, p. 216; the source is untrustworthy but the remark is certainly in character.

12 P- 137-

13 Rot. Parl., VI, p. 244. ^Paston Letters, HI, p. 308. 15 Harleian MS. 433, f. 3.

rv

i Stonor Letters and Papers, II, p. 163. On October 11, Richard set the rendezvous for October 20; next day he requested the men of York to be at Leicester by October 21 (York Records, pp. 177-78).

letter reveals that

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•Harleian MS. 433, f , 2O (Richard at Melton Mowbray on October H V

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7 O/. P*£. jR0//r, 1476-85, p. 368

' -' ' "9 2; *• > P- 244.

*ld*m; Cray. Ckron pp. 49I 02 ; Vergil, p. 206.

is nnknown P R, 9 trr C Predse ^ ° n which Richard entered Salisbury

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J P * 671 - ThC Cr ^/^ ObfOWtf/e (p. 492 ) confuses

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" C/ ' r ^" ? PP ' 492 ^5; Vergil, pp. 201-02; Gr^^ Chronicle, p. 255* ds movements are established by CaL Pat. Rolls, i 47 6-8«? B Vergil (p. 201) says Henry left Brittany on the "6th ides of October"— i.e on October 9-but since he misdates even the year of Buckingham's re-bellipn this much too early date can safely be dism&ed. Much mofe disturbing is the statement m the bill of attainder drawn up by the Parliament of January, 1484, that Henry touched at Plymouth on October 19 (Rot Parl VI p. 244), a date which also seems too early, since Richard was then stiU at Grantharri and the rebellion was only a day old. It accords well, however, with Vergil s date; if Henry did indeed touch on the south coast this early the hostile reception he received, before Richard had gathered his armv testifies eloquently to the weakness of the rebel cause. There is evidence however, for a much later date, and October 19 may be an error for October 29.

Henry Tudor received a loan of ten thousand crowns from the Duke of Brittany on October 31 at Paimpol, on the Channel (Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 19,398, f. 33). This loan must have been made either on Henry's return from his abortive invasion or just before he sailed. At Nantes on November 22 Henry was lent another ten thousand crowns by Duke Francis (Letters and Papers, I ed. by Gairdner, pp. 54-55), which—considering the previous loanr-would appear to be a sum advanced to meet the needs of Henry and his followers on his return. Furthermore, if Vergil's story of soldiers lining the coast at Poole, in Dorset, is true, these troops would seem to have been among those whom, according to Vergil, Richard dispatched to the seaside after he reached Salisbury (around October 28). Finally, the Croylmd

Chronicle (p. 495) says that it was while Richard was at Exeter that Henry touched at Plymouth, and Richard reached Exeter sometime between November 5 and November 8 (Col. Pat. Rolls., 1476-85, p. 370). The sum of the evidence indicates that Henry probably sailed on October 31 from Paimpol.

14 For the appointment of the commissions, ibid., p. 375, p. 370, and p. 371. For the resistance at Bodiam, ibid^ p. 370.

For the execution of the rebels, Fabyan, p. 671 (he says "Roger" Clifford in one edition, "Robert" in others); Great Chronicle, p. 235 (which gives "William" Clifford). A "Robert Clifford," however, was granted a pardon by Richard in April, 1485 (Harleian MS. 433, f. 101).

15 Richard's movements established by Harleian MS. 433 and CaL Tat. Rolls. For Lord Cobham, see HMC, pth rep., I, p. 177.

Richard redelivered the Great Seal to Russell on November 26 at Westminster (Foedera, XII, p. 203).

16 Rot. Parly VI, p. 244; for the pardons, see CaL Pat. Rolls, 1476-85 and Harleian MS. 433; for Bray's pardon, CaL Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p, 411.

17 All references in this note are to CaL Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, or to Harleian MS. 433: Huddleston, p. 369 and p. 372; Tunstall, p. 368; Tyrell, f. 75; Stanley, f. i2ob (Kymbellton), p. 367 and p. 381 (Constable); Sir William Stanley, p. 368 and f. 45b; Herbert, p. 367; Northumberland, p. 367 and p. 409, f. i24b and f. 3ob; small annuities, f. 2ob; Rhys ap Thomas, p. 406 and f. 36.

18 Since Richard returned the Great Seal to Russell on November 26 (Foedera, XII, p. 203), it is likely that he reached London the day before. Fabyan (p. 671) and the Great Chronicle (p. 235) give this account of Richard's welcome as of November 9, 1484. However, both ascribe Buckingham's rebellion to 1484 and describe this entry as following the rebellion. The fact that Richard is said to be coming from Kennington shows that he approached London from the south, which would fit his arrival in November of 1483, rather than from the north, as he did on his return to the capital in November of 1484.

1 Cray. Chron., p. 495; Harleian MS. 433, f. i36b; HMC, I, p. 50; Great Chronicle, p. 233 and p. 235; Fabyan, p. 671; Harleian MS. 433, f. 165, f. 130, and f. 5jb.

Both the Great Chronicle and Fabyan place Buckingham's rebellion in 1484 and as a result, confuse the borrowing Richard resorted to in December of 1483 with that of the end of 1484.

2 Harleian MS. 433, f. 39.

5 Harleian MS. 433, ff. 140, 134, i49b, 164, 135, 136, i36b, 139^ 146 (in Letters and Papers, II, ed. by Gairdner, p. 287), 159!), and 180; CaL Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 426, p. 465, and p. 402.

4 Harleian MS. 433, ff. 150, 127, i27b, 1380, and 138.

5 Ibid., ff. 141, 1410, 142, and 144. *lbid.,f. i28b.

T For the enactments of Richard's Parliament, petitions and statutes, see Rot. Park, VI, pp. 237-62 and Statutes, II, pp. 477-98.

8 Grants, 1-lxiii.

9 CaL Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 494.

10 Vergil, p. 210; Croy. Chron., p. 496; Statute?, II, p. 498.

n Harleian MS. 433, f. 308 (in Original Letters, series 2,1, p. 149).

12 For Nesfeld, see Croy. Chron., p. 491 and p. 497; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 448 and p. 485.

For the flight of the Marquess, Vergil, p. 210 and p. 214.

13 All of the above citations are in Harleian MS. 433: creditors of Buckingham, f. 670 and f. 97; Prior of Carlisle, f. 166; bailiff of Huntingdon, f. i66b; Combe, f. 20; Filpot, f. i48b; Creyke, f. i53b; Bentley, f, 158; Green and Hawkins, f. 46; John Kendall, fT. 3ob, 59b, 83b, 164, and 166; bear-ward, f. 139; St. James of Compostella, ff. 1450, 171, i7ib, i72b, 174^ and 175.

14 Croy. Chron., p. 496.

15 Foedera, XII, pp. 214-23; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 423 and p. 477; Cotton Faustina III, f. 405; Harleian MS. 433, ff. 31, 68b, and 96b; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 387.

is Pp. 496-97.

17 Although Rous (Historia Regum Angliae, pp. 217-18) says that Richard first appointed Warwick as his heir, there is no evidence to support this statement. Lincoln's maturity and good service (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 388) and his being chosen by Richard to head the Council of the North suggest that the King never had any other choice in mind. There is no proof, however, that Warwick was a "retarded" child. It may be that it was only the long imprisonment to which Henry VII subjected the unfortunate son of Clarence, before putting him to death, which enfeebled his mind. See York Records, p. 211.

VI

1 Croy. Chron., p. 497.

2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 385, p. 448, p. 405, and p. 163. See also ibid., p. 483 and Harleian MS. 433, f. i39b and f. 145.

3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, pp. 397-401. * Lists and Indexes, XLIX, p. 59.

s Harleian MS. 433, f. 170; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 355, p. 356, p. 362, p. 493, and so on.

Q Ibid., pp. 370-71, p. 425, p. 446, pp. 517-18, p. 520, p. 544, and so on. See especially ibid., p. 493 and pp. 391-92 and HMC, II, p. 91.

7 Croy. Chron., pp. 497-98.

8 Foedera, XII, p. 253.

9 For the rewarding of Forssa, see Harleian MS. 433, f. 75; for the pact with Portugal, Foedera, XII, p. 228.

10 Letters and Papers, II, ed. by Gairdner, pp. 3-51; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 446 and p. 518; Foedera, XII, p. 231 and pp. 248-49. ^

1 1 For payment to the traders, see Harleian MS. 433, f. 17°; f° r Langtons mission, Foedera, XII, pp. 221-23; for the safe-conducts, ibid., p. 234. See also Gairdner, Richard III, pp. 171-72.

12 Foedera, XII, pp. 226-27 and P- 22 9> also CaL Pat ' Rolls > 1 W M ^ P- 5 1 ? and p. 547; Vergil, pp. 205-06. ^ t

is Vergil (pp. 206-08) is our only authority for these episodes in Henry s life. Gairdner (Richard HI, pp. 169-70) prints a memorandum of the French council, dated October 11, 1484, ordering the governor of Limousin to meet

NOTES [pages 359-363]

Henry, the council having heard that Henry has left Brittany. This evidence is not incompatible with the supposition that Henry escaped from Brittany about June, for the court of France may not have wished to welcome Henry or found the opportunity to notice him for some months after his appearance on French soil. Richard's signing a treaty with Brittany in June and preparing to send Francis a thousand archers was almost certainly the signal for Landois 3 attempt to commit Henry to custody. The instructions which Maximilian drew up for his envoys to England in 1484 are undated, but internal evidence (Letters and Papers, II, ed. by Gairdner, pp. 44-49) indicates that they were composed shortly after Richard announced his truce with Brittany on June 8. In these instructions reference is made to Henry's departure from Brittany.

^Foedera, XII, p. 255 and pp. 260-61; Lists and Indexes, XLIX, p. 60.

i*Foedera, XII, p. 207; Original Letters, series 3, I, pp. 111-13; L. and P. I, pp. 55-56.

^Foedera, XII, pp. 230-32 and pp. 235-43; L. and P., I, pp. 59-63.

17 Ibid., pp. 64-67; Foedera, XII, pp. 236-43.

18 While in London, Richard had the body of Henry VI moved from Chertsey Abbey and reinterred in St. George's chapel, Windsor.

19 Rjchard's movements are established from Harleian MS. 433.

20 Sir John Turburvyle was a shipowner; he is recorded as securing gear in 1486 for two of his vessels. See R. C. Anderson, "The Grace de Dieu of 1446-86," Eng. Hist. Rev., XXXIV (1919), p. 586.

For Colyngboume as an officer of Duchess Cicely, see Harleian MS. 433, f. 2b (in Original Letters, series 2, I, pp. 161-62).

The indictment was printed by Holinshed; see Gairdner, Richard HI p 186 et seq. ' r "

For the commission, Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 519.

For the execution, Fabyan, p. 672; see also Great Chronicle, p. 236; in a patent of February i, 1485, Colyngboume is "now dead" (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1476-85, p. 510).

Gairdner insists that Colyngboume must have committed his treasonable acts in July of 1483, but his argument is tortuous and unconvincing. The fact that on July 10 Colyngbourne asked Yate to go to Brittany, whereas by that time in 1484 Henry had escaped to France, is far easier to explain than the incongruities which arise if it is supposed that this proposal was made in 1483. It is quite probable that Colyngbourne had not yet learned of Henry's departure from Brittany. There is no reason to believe that the Marquess of Dorset, mentioned as being with Henry at this time, was in Brittany in the summer of 1483, and the reference to Richard's trifling with the French ambassadors fits only the summer of 1484, when Langton was negotiating with the government of Charles VIII (see text, p. 358). Louis XI neither sent nor showed any intention of sending envoys to England in July of 1483. Colyngbourne advised Henry to invade England before St. Luke's Day (October 18), but that is something quite different from Henry's having agreed with Buckingham and the Woodvilles in 1483 to land on St, Luke's Day; and though Colyngbourne counseled Henry to disembark at Poole, there is no reason to suppose that he would not suggest a landing where a landing had been attempted before. The absence of any reference to the

Woodville conspiracies in the southern counties does not necessarily clinch the case for 1484 since July 10 is only four days after Richard's coronation: but the sum of the^ evidence appears to support the accuracy of the date of the indictment. Gardner's citation of Richard's allusion to Colynzbourne as a former officer of his mother's, in a letter of June, 1484, in no way supports the thesis that Colyngbourne's activities took place in 1483; it indicated only that Colyngbourne had been known for a rebel for some time before he was apprehended, and had probably been in hiding 21 Vergil, p. 213. S *

t 2 *,£°£ a L * Scofield ' " The Earl 7 Li f e of John de Vere, i 3 th Earl of Ox-

r*?P fT/f"*' ?T' XXIX (I9 ' 4) ' PP- 2 ^45; Harleian MS. 433, f. 83; Col. Pat, Roll,, 1476-85, p. 526; Harleian MS. 433, f. 201. Mount joy had been ill at least since August (Foedera, XII, p. 232).

The siege of Hammes occurred on December 15, according to a manuscript chronicle cited in Letters and Papers, I, ed. by Gairdner, p. xxvi.

Vergil ( pp/ 212-13) says that Oxford returned with a band of soldiers to help the besieged garrison of Hammes and was thus able to secure terms whereby the garrison and Blount's wife were freely permitted to depart with bag and baggage, Thomas Brandon and thirty men entering the castle through a marsh to help the besieged. Fabyan (p. 672), however, does not support the tale. There is no record of Richard's sending a fresh garrison to Hammes, as he did to Guisnes (Harleian MS. 433, f. 201). Twice in November Richard offered pardons to James Blount and the garrison (ibid^ f. 83) ; the final pardon of January 27, however, which was apparently accepted* omitted James Blount, as would be expected, but included Blount's wife and Thomas Brandon. The pardon for Blount's wife may have been offered in kindness, and may not have been accepted; but there is no reason to suppose that Richard would single out, among the exiles already in France, Thomas Brandon for pardon, if he had actually performed the feat attributed to him by Vergil.

** Harleian MS. 433, f. 2 73 b; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1476-85, p. 488; Harleian MS. 433, f. 198. See also ibid., f. i98b—instructions to ready the defenses of Harwich, December 22, 1484.

VII

1 York Records, p. 206; Croy. Chron., p, 498.

2 Cray. Chron., p. 499; I infer tuberculosis from the fact that Richard's physicians forbade him to share Anne's bed, the prohibition indicating a contagious disease; the Croyland chronicler implies that by Christmas of 1484 the Queen's illness was known to be mortal. See discussion of the Queen's death, note 2 of chapter IX, below. Again, there is no precise information concerning the fatal illness of Isabel, Duchess of Clarence; she may have died because of complications following childbirth. Both Anne and Isabel, however, succumbed before they reached the age of thirty, a fact which would seem to make tuberculosis a likely cause of both their deaths.