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Authors: Giles Milton
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When the Jesuits and Franciscans came to terms with the impossibility of converting the
Liefde
’s crew, they redoubled their efforts to monitor their whereabouts and track their movements. The Jesuits had monks in many Japanese towns and a system of communication that allowed messages to be relayed quickly back to Nagasaki. Yet it was not always easy to keep an eye on the men, for once Ieyasu’s gifts of money had been distributed, the eighteen survivors split into groups and went their own ways. Some stayed close to the court, hoping to benefit from Ieyasu’s patronage. Others despaired of their ill fortune and drank themselves into oblivion. Within a few years of being washed up in Japan, only thirteen were left alive.
Liefde
’s crew, they redoubled their efforts to monitor their whereabouts and track their movements. The Jesuits had monks in many Japanese towns and a system of communication that allowed messages to be relayed quickly back to Nagasaki. Yet it was not always easy to keep an eye on the men, for once Ieyasu’s gifts of money had been distributed, the eighteen survivors split into groups and went their own ways. Some stayed close to the court, hoping to benefit from Ieyasu’s patronage. Others despaired of their ill fortune and drank themselves into oblivion. Within a few years of being washed up in Japan, only thirteen were left alive.
A few of these prospered in their new homeland. Jan Joosten van Lodensteijn found favor with Ieyasu and was granted a stipend like Adams. The
Liefde
’s enterprising purser, Melchior van Santvoort, was even more successful. He rented junks from the Japanese and established a flourishing little trade between Japan and Indo-China. But none was as adept as Adams in proving himself indispensable to the shogun. He became Ieyasu’s protégé and, to the horror of the Jesuits, began to be treated as an oracle: “What I said,” wrote Adams, “he would not contrary it.” He taught Ieyasu geometry and mathematics, acted as an interpreter, and gave advice on the world beyond Japan. For many years, Ieyasu had consulted Padre João Rodrigues on such matters and had used Rodrigues’s services as his court interpreter. Now, he became increasingly reliant on William Adams, and the Jesuits found themselves in the unenviable position of having to employ an Englishman as their intermediary. “My former ennemies did wonder,” wrote Adams, “and at this time must entreat me to doe
them a friendshipp.” He was at first reluctant to pass on their messages, since these were the very men who had tried to have him crucified, but eventually he decided to dispense “good for evill … [and] God hath blessed my labours.”
Liefde
’s enterprising purser, Melchior van Santvoort, was even more successful. He rented junks from the Japanese and established a flourishing little trade between Japan and Indo-China. But none was as adept as Adams in proving himself indispensable to the shogun. He became Ieyasu’s protégé and, to the horror of the Jesuits, began to be treated as an oracle: “What I said,” wrote Adams, “he would not contrary it.” He taught Ieyasu geometry and mathematics, acted as an interpreter, and gave advice on the world beyond Japan. For many years, Ieyasu had consulted Padre João Rodrigues on such matters and had used Rodrigues’s services as his court interpreter. Now, he became increasingly reliant on William Adams, and the Jesuits found themselves in the unenviable position of having to employ an Englishman as their intermediary. “My former ennemies did wonder,” wrote Adams, “and at this time must entreat me to doe
them a friendshipp.” He was at first reluctant to pass on their messages, since these were the very men who had tried to have him crucified, but eventually he decided to dispense “good for evill … [and] God hath blessed my labours.”
He hoped that his position at court would eventually reap rich dividends—that the shogun would grant him permission to leave Japan. He had received no news of his wife and daughter since his arrival as a virtual castaway and was growing increasingly desperate to set sail for home. Hopeful of a fair hearing, he made an emotional appeal to Ieyasu: “I made supplication to the king to depart his lande, desiring to see my poore wife and children according to conscience and nature.” But Ieyasu frowned at the request and refused; “[he] was not well pleased withall,” wrote Adams, “and would not let me go away more for my countrey.”
The shogun was concerned by Adams’s repeated demands to leave Japan, for he was only too aware that his English servant was in possession of many useful skills. He decided to reward him for his services by showering him with honors, land, and property, hoping to encourage him to settle permanently in Japan. Adams had already bought a town house in Edo; now, he unexpectedly found himself in possession of a far larger property. “For the servis that I have done and doe daily, being employed in the emperor’s service, the emperor hath given me a living.”
This “living” was actually a rambling country estate, situated at Hemi on the Miura Peninsula near Edo. Like most Japanese manor houses, it would have been constructed from cedar and was raised from the ground on wooden stilts. Sliding bamboo doors provided access to a veranda, with a vista that stretched across woods and thickets toward the snow-capped peak of distant Mount Fuji. For Adams—who had spent much of his life in the squalid poverty of Limehouse—this country estate provided him with respect and authority. He was now a lord of the manor, with duties, responsibilities, and very real power over his retainers. The estate had several villages within its borders, and these were
inhabited by “eighty or ninety husbandmen”—serfs—“that be my slaves or servauntes.” Whenever Adams returned to his estate from Edo, these “husbandmen” would line the roads to greet him and his guests.
inhabited by “eighty or ninety husbandmen”—serfs—“that be my slaves or servauntes.” Whenever Adams returned to his estate from Edo, these “husbandmen” would line the roads to greet him and his guests.
His English counterpart would have been astonished. The Jacobean lord of the manor owned vast tracts of land, as well as deer and hawks, spaniels and terriers. But his influence over tenants was limited by the manorial court and parish officials. Adams had no such restraints. “Each man enjoys absolute power over his family and servants,” wrote Valignano in his
Historia del Principio
. “[He] may cut them down or kill them, justly or otherwise, as he pleases, without having to give an account to anybody.” Fear of punishment ensured that Adams was treated with the greatest respect by his retainers and serfs. They ran alongside his horse whenever he returned to Hemi and made extravagant displays of obeisance. The stoic manner in which Japanese peasants accepted their fate was a source of constant surprise to Europeans. “[They] live quietly and contentedly in their misery and poverty,” wrote Valignano, adding, “changes in station are common and frequent in Japan, for in no other country in the world does the wheel of fortune turn so often as here.”
Historia del Principio
. “[He] may cut them down or kill them, justly or otherwise, as he pleases, without having to give an account to anybody.” Fear of punishment ensured that Adams was treated with the greatest respect by his retainers and serfs. They ran alongside his horse whenever he returned to Hemi and made extravagant displays of obeisance. The stoic manner in which Japanese peasants accepted their fate was a source of constant surprise to Europeans. “[They] live quietly and contentedly in their misery and poverty,” wrote Valignano, adding, “changes in station are common and frequent in Japan, for in no other country in the world does the wheel of fortune turn so often as here.”
detail from Tawara-kasane kosaku emaki, Tokyo
.
.
William Adams cultivated rice on his country estate at Hemi. This was planted (above) and harvested by serfs “that be my slaves or servauntes.”
It was not long before the shogun proved even more generous to William Adams. In gratitude for his services to his court—and as a mark of his respect for the Englishman—he took the startling decision to bestow upon him “a lordshipp … [which was] never before given to a straunger.” This “lordshipp” was indeed a great privilege and was quite without precedent in Japanese history. Adams was honored with the title of
hatamoto
, or bannerman, a prestigious position that made him a direct retainer of the shogun’s court. This linked him to the great warrior class that had dominated Japanese history for centuries, for his fellow
hatamoto
were all samurai—battle—hardened fighters—whose role was akin to that of an elite officer corps, or a military bureaucracy. They were chosen for their unwavering loyalty and prowess on the field of battle and spent a large part of their time practicing martial arts. Adams’s rise to the status of a samurai bucked this trend. He had not fought under Ieyasu, nor was he an expert in the martial arts. His contribution had been more prosaic although no less useful. As adviser and translator, he had brought news from a world of which Ieyasu had been kept in total ignorance.
hatamoto
, or bannerman, a prestigious position that made him a direct retainer of the shogun’s court. This linked him to the great warrior class that had dominated Japanese history for centuries, for his fellow
hatamoto
were all samurai—battle—hardened fighters—whose role was akin to that of an elite officer corps, or a military bureaucracy. They were chosen for their unwavering loyalty and prowess on the field of battle and spent a large part of their time practicing martial arts. Adams’s rise to the status of a samurai bucked this trend. He had not fought under Ieyasu, nor was he an expert in the martial arts. His contribution had been more prosaic although no less useful. As adviser and translator, he had brought news from a world of which Ieyasu had been kept in total ignorance.
At some point after being made a
hatamoto
, Adams appears to have abandoned his English garb and attired himself according to the fashion of the Japanese. He later recalled with pride his two great scimitars—worn by all samurai—and made frequent mention of acquiring silks and satins. These were the favored materials for making courtly kimonos, with their traditional drooping sleeves, adorned with exquisite decorations. Foreigners found it frustratingly difficult to fasten these giant sheets of cloth, and it
took a great deal of practice to wear them in the correct fashion. “They fold the right-hand side over the body,” wrote one Spanish novice, “and then over this they wrap the left-hand side.” The material was held in place with a smart silk sash, which was wrapped around the belly and knotted at the hips. If it was not tied tightly enough, the whole kimono was in danger of falling to the ground.
hatamoto
, Adams appears to have abandoned his English garb and attired himself according to the fashion of the Japanese. He later recalled with pride his two great scimitars—worn by all samurai—and made frequent mention of acquiring silks and satins. These were the favored materials for making courtly kimonos, with their traditional drooping sleeves, adorned with exquisite decorations. Foreigners found it frustratingly difficult to fasten these giant sheets of cloth, and it
took a great deal of practice to wear them in the correct fashion. “They fold the right-hand side over the body,” wrote one Spanish novice, “and then over this they wrap the left-hand side.” The material was held in place with a smart silk sash, which was wrapped around the belly and knotted at the hips. If it was not tied tightly enough, the whole kimono was in danger of falling to the ground.
Adams evidently mastered Japanese clothing, just as he managed to attain fluency in the highly complex language. He was happy to be called by his Japanese name—Anjin Sama, or Mr. Pilot—and was soon so at ease with his adopted homeland that he took to using the Japanese calendar in his diary: “the eighth daye of the moon called Shemo.”
For years, Adams had petitioned to leave Japan; now, the lordship and the gift of land convinced him that his future was more assured here than in England. He owned a country estate and a town house in Edo, and had attained a rank in the courtly hierarchy that would have been unthinkable in the land of his birth. He still thought about Mary and his daughter, and wrote letters in which he pondered their fate: “hoping that, by one meanes or other, in proces of time, I shall have news from one good friend or other of my good acquaintance, wife and children, the which with patience I doe wait the pleasure of Allmighty God.” But he knew that it might take many years for his letters to reach England, via the Dutch ships that came to Japan, and that it was even more unlikely that he would ever be reunited with his family.
He had long been attracted to the daughter of a highway official called Magome Kageyu, who was in charge of a packhorse exchange on one of the great imperial roads that led out of Edo. Although Magome’s position was important, he was not of noble birth, nor did he have a high social standing. Adams’s choice of his daughter, Oyuki, for a lover is unlikely to have been made for financial reasons and certainly not for any connections that might have been gained by having Magome as a father-in-law. Probably he was genuinely in love; after the customary courtship, the couple were married. There were now two Mrs. Adamses, each ignorant of the other and living on opposite sides of the globe.
from Arnoldus Montanus’s Atlas Japannensis, 1670
.
.
It took much practice before foreigners mastered the art of wearing a kimono. The material was held in place with a wide sash and was often decorated with exquisite patterns.
Adams was delighted with his good fortune, aware that everything had turned out for the best. “God,” he wrote, “hath provided for me after my great misery.” He was soon to receive even better news. In 1609 the Jesuits, who for so long had been his implacable enemies, suddenly found themselves caught in an unexpected crisis, which would lead to a showdown in the secluded and tranquil bay of Nagasaki.
Nagasaki was invisible from the sea. Flanked by vertiginous mountains and enveloped in cedars, her maze of streets was obscured from shipboard view until vessels had entered the fine natural harbor. The village had thrived since the Jesuits had taken possession of its farms and wooden shacks in 1580. Nagasaki was now a prosperous port that had reaped rich rewards from the trade in Chinese silks, and her streets were endowed with a colorful array of churches, religious colleges, and dwellings. But newcomers expecting to find a Portuguese colonial town were surprised to discover that the town resembled many other settlements up and down the Kyushu coastline. The merchants’ mansions were crowned with decorative concave roofs in the Japanese fashion, while even the humble dwellings had sliding bamboo doors with translucent paper screens. The Jesuit church was the most extraordinary sight of all. With its hexagonal ground plan and pagoda-style stack of layered roofs, it looked more like a Buddhist temple than a place of Christian prayer.
The shade-dappled streets were often thronged with crowds, especially when the annual ship from Macao was in port. Sailors searched out whores and drinking dens, while bewhiskered Portuguese
fidalgos
, or noblemen, swaggered around in their puffed pantaloons, buckled shoes, and floppy hats. The richest of the
merchants came with their own retinue of slaves and servants, and were shaded by palanquins made of silk. Many belonged to the Misericordia fraternity—a brotherhood for monks and laymen who shared high ideals and a common Catholic faith.
fidalgos
, or noblemen, swaggered around in their puffed pantaloons, buckled shoes, and floppy hats. The richest of the
merchants came with their own retinue of slaves and servants, and were shaded by palanquins made of silk. Many belonged to the Misericordia fraternity—a brotherhood for monks and laymen who shared high ideals and a common Catholic faith.
The arrival of the annual Portuguese ship from Macao was heralded by feasting and celebration. In 1609, there was even more cause for celebration than usual, for the
Nossa Senhora de Graça (Our Lady of Grace)
was the richest vessel to call at Nagasaki for many a year. She was carrying a staggering 200 tons of silk—worth 600,000 cruzados—and a huge stockpile of silver bullion. The Jesuit fathers were delighted, for, as middlemen, they stood to reap glittering rewards from the sale of the merchants’ cargo.
Nossa Senhora de Graça (Our Lady of Grace)
was the richest vessel to call at Nagasaki for many a year. She was carrying a staggering 200 tons of silk—worth 600,000 cruzados—and a huge stockpile of silver bullion. The Jesuit fathers were delighted, for, as middlemen, they stood to reap glittering rewards from the sale of the merchants’ cargo.
BOOK: Samurai William: The Englishman Who Opened Japan
6.75Mb size Format: txt, pdf, ePub
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