Tempest at Dawn (42 page)

“
Is the science of government so
difficult that we don’t have men among us capable of unfolding its
mysteries and binding the states together by mutual interests and
obligations? No! God will not abandon us after shepherding us to
freedom. I already see the fabric of a free and vigorous government
rising out of the wisdom of the Federal Convention.”

Madison decided that the reverend had no
particular form of government in mind, only a heartfelt desire to
preserve liberty. His reference to the science of government
appealed to Madison. He believed that government was something that
could be deciphered by analyzing ancient and modern systems.
Madison knew he had designed a republic that could protect liberty
and endure for generations, but now powerful forces threatened to
gut his plan. This was wrong. The national government must
represent freemen, not the self-righteous states.

If the young reverend’s intent was to
inspire the delegates to rise to the occasion and hold fast to
their principles, he had succeeded with at least one in the
congregation.

Sherman charged into the room and circled his
sweat-soaked collar with a finger to get air to his neck. He had
rushed to a meeting with Ellsworth, Paterson, and Dickinson at the
City Tavern.

“
Where’ve you been?” Ellsworth
asked.

“
My apologies. The Reverend Witherspoon tied
me up.”

“
What did he want?”

“
He believes I should be more tolerant
of Madison’s positions.”

“
The man should mind his own
business,” Paterson said.

“
Government is everyone’s
business.”

“
Not at the moment,” Paterson said.
“Did Madison violate our oath of secrecy?”

“
Witherspoon seems aware only that
there’s discord.”

“
That’s still a violation,” Paterson
yelled. “It should be reported to Gen. Washington.”

“
To what purpose?”

“
To quiet the man.” Paterson slapped
the table. “That little cat’s-paw ought to be taught a
lesson.”

“
William, I’ll hear no more of this.
As soon as we breach this wall, we’ll need Madison. Opponents are
temporary; enemies last a lifetime.”

“
We need to be at the State House in a
little over an hour,” Dickinson interjected.

“
Thank you, John,” Sherman said.
“First, the committee will propose a senate with one vote per
state.”

“
We won,” William Paterson said with a
self-satisfied air.

“
Not completely. All money bills must
originate in the lower house, and the Senate cannot make
amendments.”

“
That’s outrageous!”

“
William, please,” Sherman pleaded.
“We gave up the least possible.”

“
Does this money bill issue matter?”
Ellsworth asked.

“
Inconsequential, but important.
Inconsequential because the Senate won’t pass a bill they don’t
like, so the two houses will have to negotiate behind the
scene.”

“
Then why’s it important?” Dickinson
asked.

“
Because Franklin proposed
it.”

“
That old fogy,” Paterson said. “Why
pay that cockeyed storyteller any mind?”

“
William, you must adjust your
attitude. Your negativism exhausts me.”

“
I’ll adjust my attitude after the
plan is adjusted.”

“
That’s backward. You can’t get your
back up every time you don’t get your way. When you throw ill-timed
insults, it sets us back.”

“
That old man’s opinion’s not
important.”

“
He’s an astute politician—and tightly
tied to Washington.”

Looking like he wanted to protest, Paterson
merely asked, “What’s his rationale?”

“
Equal suffrage in the Senate could
allow the small states to spend large state money. By requiring
appropriations to be initiated in the lower house, the large states
can protect themselves against our supposed avarice.”

“
That’s an empty fear. They can keep
their money.”

Sherman sighed. “If the doctor believes it’s
a lever, he’ll convince others.”

Ellsworth interrupted. “Do you think we
should accept this?”

Sherman felt relieved to answer a question
from someone other than Paterson. “We must. The proof is that we
barely got the doubtful members to acquiesce.”

“
I don’t like concessions,” Paterson
said.

“
Then find another profession,”
Sherman snapped. As he wiped his neck with a handkerchief, Sherman
sensed that his patience was about to crack like an eggshell struck
with a knife.

“
I refuse to sit idle while my country
is taken over by Virginia tyrants.”

“
William, let’s step outside a
minute.”

“
I see no need.”

“
I insist,” Sherman said with force.
Paterson looked like he might make a scene, but instead, he stood
and walked out the door. Sherman followed him into the hall. They
walked in stony silence down the stairs and out the back door into
a sun so bright, it blurred the sharp edges of buildings. As they
stepped into the herb garden, Sherman said, “William, you’re
hurting our cause. If you continue to fight my leadership, I’ll
exclude you from our deliberations.”

Paterson looked stunned. “I can’t believe
what I just heard. We’ve worked together from the beginning.”

“
And we’ll work to the end, but only
if you accept my leadership.”

“
I represent New Jersey.”

“
You represent disaster. For me, the
convention, and the country.”

“
Friends don’t talk to each other like
this.”

“
Friends talk to each other exactly
like this.”

Paterson turned and walked a few steps
toward the back of the lot. When he turned around, Paterson didn’t
close the space. “You believe I’m a stumbling block?”

“
William, you’re a great pile of
rubble strewn across the landscape.”

“
I fight for principle.”

“
Your powder’s wet and your shot’s out
of round.”

Paterson gave Sherman a puzzled look and
then took a few more steps into the yard. When he turned, he seemed
more contrite. “Why are you doing this to me?”

“
You let emotion addle your brilliant
mind.”

“
You think my anger
unjustified?”

Sherman shrugged. “Emotion doesn’t help. We
need to be coldly detached.”

“
And under your
leadership?”

“
Yes.”

“
Give me a reason.”

“
Because I’ve established inroads into
the opposition, and I can orchestrate the necessary moves.” Sherman
closed one step toward Paterson. “I insist on a firm
commitment.”

“
Or you’ll expel me?”

“
Yes.”

“
You don’t give a man much
room.”

“
I’ve given you too much
room.”

Paterson stood about ten feet from Sherman.
He looked down a moment and then raised a proud head to Sherman.
“May I have one condition?”

“
What?”

“
If the threat to New Jersey becomes
imminent, I can withdraw my pledge?”

“
If you agree to let me know in
advance. No surprise mutiny.”

“
I can live with that.”

“
Then we have a deal?”

Paterson walked over to where Sherman had
remained rooted. Sherman felt relief as he used both hands to grasp
Paterson’s outstretched hand. After an enthusiastic shake, Sherman
said with a disarming smile, “William, you’re one ornery son of a
bitch. Thankfully, you’re our son of a bitch.”

“
And you’re a cold bastard. Thankfully
you’re on our side.”

With that, Sherman broke into laughter and
clasped Paterson around the shoulders, giving him a brotherly hug
that was returned, with the addition of a few slaps on his
shoulder. “Come on. Let’s rejoin our little party of patriots.”

As they entered the private room, Sherman
threw his arm around Paterson and said, “Great idea, William. If
you don’t mind, I’ll claim it as my own.”

Sherman saw the look of gratitude in
Paterson’s eyes as he said, “By all means.”

“
Sorry for the interruption,” Sherman
said. “Now where were we?”

“
Close to having to leave for the
State House,” Dickinson said.

“
Yes, well … does anyone have a
question?”

“
What’s our plan for
today?”

“
We’ll let the heat
dissipate.”

Gerry opened the session by reading their report.
Sherman crossed his legs and immediately uncrossed them. His wool
pants felt sticky, causing him to glance jealously at Pinckney,
looking fresh in his linen suit.

“
The committee submits the following report to
be considered only in total. In the first branch, each state shall
be allowed one member for every forty thousand inhabitants, and
each state not containing that number shall be allowed one
member.

“
Second, all bills for appropriating money
shall originate in the first branch, and shall not be altered by
the second branch.

“
Third, in the second branch, each state shall
have an equal vote.”

Gorham asked why the propositions had to be adopted
as a package. Gerry bobbed his head and muttered to himself before
saying, “If all the elements aren’t adopted together, committee
members may withdraw their support.”

“
The committee exceeded its authority,” Wilson
barked. “We’re not obligated to accept or reject the report in
total. I move to divide the resolutions for separate
votes.”

Madison spoke with more
emotion than Sherman had ever heard from the diminutive scholar.
“The origination of money bills in the lower house is meaningless.
If the small states believe this a concession, they’re wrong! If
both branches must say yes, it is of little consequence which says
yes first.” In a rare display, Madison raised his voice. “All my
objections against an equal voice in the Senate stand!”

Sherman marveled at Madison’s quick mind. He had
skewered the meaningless concession in his first breath.

Madison bounced across the front of the chamber.
“It’s fruitless to purchase immediate accord in exchange for
everlasting discord.” As was his habit, Madison stopped his pacing
in front of his table to signal that he was about to conclude his
remarks. “Gentlemen, the small states won’t court foreign powers as
Mr. Paterson threatened. They’ll make noise for a time, but they
won’t defy sound republican principles.”

Gouverneur Morris gained the floor and thumped his
wooden leg around before beginning. “This report is fatally flawed.
The whole aspect is wrong! The states were originally nothing but
colonial corporations. Upon the Declaration of Independence,
governments were formed. The small states took advantage of the
moment and demanded equality.” The usually amiable Morris glared at
the delegates. “As proposed, the Senate will undermine the general
government. Germany proves my point. The Germans share a common
language, common law, common manners, and common interests, yet
their local jurisdictions destroy every tie. The case was the same
in the Grecian states. As we speak, the United Netherlands is torn
into factions. Do you wish the same here?”

Morris stomped his leg with the force of a
gavel. “Good God, sirs, is it possible we so delude ourselves? Who
can say whether he himself, much less his children, will next year
inhabit this state or that state? This country must unite. If
persuasion does not unite it, the sword will.”

Morris directed his glare at Paterson. “What
part foreign powers might take in a conflict, I cannot say. Mr.
Paterson has thrown this threat at us.” Turning to the full
assembly, Morris softened his tone. “Gentlemen, I came here as a
citizen of America. Are we here to bargain for our states? No.
We’re here to build a nation.”

Paterson signaled that he wanted to defend himself.
“Gentleman, I’ve been misunderstood. I didn’t mean that New Jersey
would court foreign powers. I only meant that foreign nations might
use the abandoned states to apply pressure to the states that do
unite. Lastly, I must ask some allowance for my profession. Heated
exchanges are natural for prosecuting attorneys. If I may so humbly
suggest, an apology is also due from Gouverneur Morris for his
statement that the sword would force the small states to
unite.”

Sherman accepted Paterson’s comments as an attempt
to live up to his pledge on Sunday, but it was a far reach to
interpret his words as an apology. He didn’t believe Morris would
feel obliged to follow suit.

Mason spoke in a sensible, matter-of-fact voice.
“Despite objections, the report is preferable to different sides
appealing to the world for armed support.” A touch of melancholy
crept into Mason’s final words, making them personal and heartfelt.
“It’s highly inconvenient for me to remain absent from my private
affairs, but I promise to bury my bones in this city rather than
see my country dissolve. We must yield on some point for the sake
of accommodation.”

Gouverneur Morris refused to relent and attacked the
report from yet another direction. “Property is the main purpose of
society. People renounce absolute liberty for the sake of
property.” Morris paused a few beats. “Gentlemen, if property is
the main object of government, then property ought to influence
government. In addition to the number of inhabitants, property
ought to be taken into account when determining representation.