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Authors: Carl Woodring,James Shapiro

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BOOK: The Columbia History of British Poetry
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Page 95
highly personal feeling at the service of the old courtly love tradition, to give it a new relevance and dimension, as well as a new relation to song and dance. At the Court of James V and, presumably, that of Mary, James's daughter, part-song for voices or instruments or both, known as "musik fyn," was an integral part of courtly entertainments that included various kinds of dance, spectacle, and ceremony.
Scott also wrote a poem in a very different style, more like the poems of popular revelry but also suggesting, in its burlesque of chivalric action, the parodic element of Chaucer's
Sir Thopas: The Justing and Debait up at the Drum
in twenty-one "bob and tail" stanzas. The tone can be judged from the opening stanza:
The grit debait and turnement
Of truth no toung can tell,
Wes for a lusty lady gent
Betwix twa freikis fell.
For Mars the god omnipotent,
Was nocht sa fers him sell,
Nor Hercules, that aikkis uprent
And dang the devill of hell
    With hornis
Up at the Drum that day.
Whatever the vicissitudes of Scott's career during the turbulent period that preceded young James VI's reestablishment of the royal Court at Holyrood in 1579, both Scott and the courtly tradition managed to hang on.
In 1581 the king's charismatic kinsman Esmé Stuart, Seigneur of Albany (Aubigny), arrived in Scotland from France to revive a court culture threatened by religious reformers. One of his company was Alexander Montgomerie, then thirty years of age and already an accomplished poet. Montgomerie established himself as King James's favorite poet (notably by a successful "flyting" with a rival, Hume of Polwarth) and was accepted by the king as his tutor in poetry. Although Montgomerie was to end his life in disgrace for his involvement in the murky political and religious intrigues of the time, in the 1580s he was the main force behind James VI's plan for a revival of poetry in Scots through the formation and encouragement of a "Castalian Band" of poets. Where James's grandfather, James V, had presided over a Court that encouraged the association of poetry, music, and dance in a Franco-Scottish courtly tradition, James VI's Castalian Band of poets was
 
Page 96
set a somewhat different program. Alhough they were encouraged to draw on the best of Continental poets, including French and ItalianMontgomerie himself was early influenced by Marot and RonsardJames looked for a national poetry in Scots in a sophisticated rhetorical style. In his own work,
Reulis and Cautelis to be Observit and Eschewit in Scottish Poesie
, published in 1584, James remarked that works on the subject in English did not satisfy the differing rules of Scottish poetry. James wanted a characteristically Scottish poetry that was at the same time in the mainstream of European fashion; he also wanted a poetry more mannered and exhibitionist than suited Montgomerie, or indeed could suit any original poet. (James's own poetry is ingenious and self-consciously mannered.) In spite of Montgomerie's eventual disgrace, and the disturbing demands of politics on literature, there was a vigorous sense of Scottish poetic renaissance in the latter part of the sixteenth century, which disappeared when James left for England in 1603, removing at a blow the one effective source of patronage of the arts in Scotlandthe royal Court.
Although Aubigny enjoyed the king's favor, his influence on the king was deplored by the Protestant lords, as a result of whose activity he had to flee back to France in 1583. Montgomerie was now chief cultural adviser to the king, who granted him a royal pension in August 1583, but his high standing at Court lasted barely three years. He continued, however, to write poetry, and if he was no longer the "Beloved Saunders, maistre of our art" that the king had called him in a poem addressed to Montgomerie in the early days of their relationship, he remained an active and an admired poet till his death, the greatest Scottish poet of his age.
Montgomerie's lyrics are in the courtly tradition of Dunbar, Lindsay, and Alexander Scott, and represent a conscious attempt to produce a poised and civilized poetry that would help restore cultural wholeness to a divided Scotland. A minor poet of the time, Sir Richard Maitland, had in his "Satire on the Age" expressed the sense of cultural loss produced by the civil and religious strife of the period: Where are "daunsing, singing, game and play" when "all mirrines is worne away"? Montgomerie sought to restore some of the lost merriness. Yet he was a fundamentally serious poet, who could write grave moral lyrics as well as poems of courtly compliment. The lyric beginning,
Sweit hairt rejoiss in mynd
With conforte day and nicht,
 
Page 97
Ye have ane luif as kynd
As ever luifit weicht. . . .
has a charming courtly gravity, as have many of his love poems. The combination of freshness and "enameling" can be seen in a lyric such as that beginning,
Quhill as with whyt and nimble hand
My maistres gathring flours doth stand
Amidst the florisht meid. . . .
But the finest of Montgomerie's shorter poems is that on the solsequium (marigold), in four eighteen-line stanzas of varying line lengths and marvelously complex, musical rhyming:
Lyk as the dum
Solsequium
With cair ou'rcum
And sorow when the sun goes out of sight
Hings down his head
And droups as dead
And will not spread
But louks [closes] his leaves throu langour of the nicht. . . .
This poem is also a part-song in the French style. Montgomerie's poetry, full of rich internal verbal music, is at the same time, remarkably, often meant to be sung. His masterpiece,
The Cherrie and the Slae
(sloe), a complex allegorical poem in 114 skillfully patterned fourteen-line stanzas of richly musical language, was written to a dance tune known as "The Banks of Helicon"; long considered to be a sophisticated philosophical work to be read and meditated in the study, it could have been both danced and sung.
The allegorical devices employed in
The Cherrie and the Slae
go back to the early Middle Ages, but the tone is original, and the stanza, with its careful balancing of longer and shorter lines, was to become a Scottish tradition (used by Burns, for example, in his "Epistle to Davie" and elsewhere). Much ink has been spilt on the precise meaning of the complex allegory. It certainly draws on the medieval tradition of dream vision and love allegory and on the genre of the
psychomachia
or internal soul battle, but it also combines religious and philosophical discussion with extraordinary verbal dexterity and with subtle echoes of a variety of elements in Renaissance thought. Critics who have examined
BOOK: The Columbia History of British Poetry
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