The Mandarin Code (46 page)

‘My fellow Americans, as I speak to you tonight the USS
George Washington
is on a peaceful mission in international waters in the Taiwan Strait.

‘For nearly seventy years our nation has stood guard over peace in the Pacific, allowing all to prosper.

‘America is the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world and no one will keep that light from shining.

‘The Chinese Government is moving to prevent our peaceful mission by effectively blockading the strait, a crucial trade route.

‘Make no mistake. If the
George Washington
is forced to turn back, then it will mark a new and dangerous chapter in world affairs. As your President, I will not allow that to happen.

‘This is not the first aggressive act by the Chinese. Since the end of last year it has been increasingly pushing the boundaries of its power. Peaceful nations like Japan and South Korea are in dispute with Beijing in the East China Sea. China claims Taiwan. And to its south, China demands waters owned by the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam.

‘These are not the acts of a nation that claims its rise to power does not threaten global peace. If the twentieth century teaches us anything, it is that those who stand silent when the first signs of aggression appear are condemned by history.'

The word PAUSE loomed on the autocue and Jackson took a breath before emphasising the next sentence

‘The United States will not stand silent.

‘I call on President Meng to revoke China's ill-considered air-defence zone over the Senkaku Islands and to withdraw the fishermen who are occupying the main islands with his blessing.

‘I call on him to talk to his neighbours, not bully them.

‘And I call on him to let the
George Washington
sail unimpeded, as a sign that China genuinely believes in the right of civilised nations to freely navigate the world's waters.

‘Good night. God bless you and God bless America.'

Beijing

The wash of applause from three thousand carefully chosen citizens rippled through the Great Hall of the People as Meng Tao strode onto its stage.

In just four hours the Communist Party had hastily gathered this crowd as a backdrop to the President's speech. It was another sign of the party's control over the people.

Behind a lectern decorated with a garland of flowers and bearing China's distinctive red-and-gold seal, Meng adjusted his glasses, coughed once, and spoke.

‘Ladies and gentlemen, friends and comrades, these are dark and dangerous hours.

‘The United States has sent a nuclear warship into waters just one hundred kilometres off the Chinese mainland.

‘I ask the world to consider how President Jackson would react if he was in my position.

‘But we do not have to guess. We know.

‘In 1963 when the Soviet Union moved to station weapons on Cuba, one hundred and forty kilometres from America, President Kennedy said this:

The 1930s taught us a clear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to go unchecked and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are also true to our word. Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these missiles against this or any other country, and to secure their withdrawal or elimination.

Our policy has been one of patience and restraint.

‘Wise words from a wise president. I agree with every one of them. We are not the aggressors here. But we will not be bullied anymore.

‘As a sign of goodwill I have ordered the
Liaoning
to hold its position in the south of the Taiwan Strait. It will not advance but it will not allow the American carrier to pass.

‘America now has time to consider the wisdom of its actions.

‘I call on President Jackson to order the USS
George Washington
to turn around and to go back the way it came.

‘Today, like President Kennedy, I am drawing a line in the water.'

Canberra

Two Australian flags stood regally either side of a long low desk. A row of cameras crowded a small riser. Photographers jostled for a prime position. Journalists packed into every chair and advisers lined the Blue Room, just thirty paces from the Prime Minister's office and the exclusive preserve of the government.

It was 3.15pm. Catriona Bailey, fresh from a visit to the Governor-General, had scheduled her first press conference as the nation's leader.

This was a make-or-break moment.

The PM had to prove that Labor was no longer a rabble but was back in business.

She had to contend with the threat of a war in the Pacific.

Above all, she had to convince a sceptical media pack that she was physically and mentally up to the job.

Flanked by Defence chief, Jack Webster, Bailey scanned the packed room, her wheelchair positioned dead centre.

‘Ladies and gentlemen, it's good to be back. Last night I told my colleagues that Labor could win the next election. I firmly believe, that with the right leadership, we can.

‘These are dangerous times. They demand firm resolve, a steady hand and deep experience. I am the woman for this hour.'

‘Any questions?'

Bailey was assailed by two-dozen voices. She dismissed them all with a single word: ‘Michelle.'

The press gallery doyenne opened with a question that every one of her colleagues wanted answered.

‘Prime Minister, a week ago you lay stricken in hospital. For the past eighteen months you have been kept alive by machines. Are you up to it?'

‘Michelle, I had a condition that kills most people. Almost no one recovers. I did. Am I tough? You work it out.'

Bailey's minders had briefed journalists that the press conference would be limited to twenty minutes. All desperate for a question, they yelled and gesticulated, hoping to steamroll the other voices into silence. Bailey ignored them, and simply worked her way through a list of names.

‘Mark Simkin.'

‘PM, President Jackson has called on America's allies to stand by its side during its standoff with China. What role will Australia play?'

Bailey was resolute.

‘War is not inevitable. Neither nation seeks war, so I believe it can be avoided. Australia does have a role to play as a creative middle power. This is what leadership is about.

‘Because of my efforts we now have a seat at the UN Security Council. I have rung Ban Ki-moon and proposed a crisis meeting. He agrees. I will be flying to New York tomorrow to chair it myself.

‘I have also called President Meng. He has warmly welcomed my intervention and invited me to Beijing for talks. Australia has a unique relationship with both the United States and China.

‘I am determined to be an instrument for peace.'

For the first time, Bailey nodded in the direction of the mute and grim-faced Chief of the Defence Force.

‘I have instructed Jack to revoke the order for a squadron of Super Hornets to be stationed in Guam. We treasure our historic alliance with the United States, but I feel that such a move at this time would be seen by the Chinese as provocative. And I'm sure President Jackson will understand.'

David Speers from Sky News called to Webster. ‘CDF, do you agree with this decision?'

Webster shifted in his seat, a click of his tongue betraying a dry mouth.

‘My job is to follow the orders of the government of the day. The Prime Minister has said the planes will not be deployed. That instruction will be followed.'

As the press conference was drawing to a close, one issue remained untouched. Karen Middleton from SBS went for the jugular.

‘Ms Bailey, Bruce Paxton has made some extraordinary claims. That the Chinese Ambassador's wife was about to defect and has gone missing. That two Chinese nationals have been murdered. And that you, as prime minister, risked national security by allowing the new embassy to be built with only Chinese labour.'

Bailey's disdain bled through every word of her reply.

‘I literally do not have the breath to waste on this garbage from a disgraced former member of the Labor Party. Every word is a lie. And I note he offered not a shred of evidence to support it.

‘One. The Australian Government was never approached to offer asylum to any Chinese national. Two. The Chinese embassy has issued a statement saying the Ambassador's wife has returned to Beijing to visit family. Three. They completely deny these absurd claims of murder. And, Karen, neither the Federal Police nor Foreign Affairs say they have any concerns. Four. I did give the go-ahead for an embassy extension that had been on the books for years. And Australia has reciprocal rights in Beijing. Last, there was and is no threat to our security from the new Chinese embassy. Is there, CDF?'

Webster leaned into the microphone. ‘As you know we do not discuss matters of national security. But I can confirm that Mr Paxton's claims are utterly without foundation.'

‘And with that, folks, we have some serious work to do.' Bailey closed down the press conference and turned her chair to the door, gliding out to the bellows of scribes and the machine-gun rattle of cameras.

‘How the fuck did this happen?'

Every word was marinated with Jack Webster's anger. The CDF had just been reduced to a prop in a prime ministerial pantomime. But what really stung was the realisation that the fortress had been stormed. The enemy was in the castle.

Webster's office, on the fourth floor of Defence HQ, commanded one of Canberra's best panoramas, looking across the lake to the Parliament and the Brindabellas beyond.

He had ordered two of the nation's most powerful bureaucrats to join him: the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and the Director-General of ASIO.

And one other. Matthew Whelan, the Director of the Defence Signals Directorate. The 44-year-old public servant had enjoyed an unblemished career. Now he carried an indelible stain.

The Star Chamber was in session.

Whelan had spent a month trying to track down the source of the worst security breach in Australia's history. He had barely slept in the last forty-eight hours. Finally, they had identified the trail. The news was horrifying, and he feared the messenger was about to be executed.

But the awful truth could not be avoided.

‘The DSD systems have been compromised. All of them.'

Webster picked at the braid on his shoulder. ‘You said that. What I want to know is how the fuck it happened?'

‘The adversary has managed to inject a virus into our system. We're still analysing it. But it's the most sophisticated zero-day program we've ever seen.'

DFAT's David Joyce spoke for all of the inquisitors.

‘It's very important that you explain every detail of this. Clearly. What is a zero-day program?'

‘It exploits existing weakness in a system. Lies dormant until it is commanded to move. The moment it starts operating is zero day. In the very best of these programs the victim never knows there has been a security breach. And, as I said, this is the best we've ever seen.'

‘How does it work?'

Whelan glanced at his notes. ‘It's similar to, but much better than, the US National Security Agency's Quantum program. The NSA weapon is hardware. This one is software. Once downloaded, it hijacks the host hardware and uses covert radio waves to set up a highway of information outwards. More disturbingly it sets up a pathway inwards. One that can be used for a cyber-attack. It's a work of genius. The only limitation is that the adversary needs to have a base station within ten kilometres to pick up the radio signal. But the receiver could be the size of a briefcase.'

‘Or as large as a new Chinese embassy.' Joyce was shaking his head.

Webster asked, ‘Why wouldn't they use the old one?'

ASIO's Richard Dalton interjected. ‘Because it's hopelessly compromised, Jack, and the Chinese know it. I was part of the construction team in the '90s.'

‘But Mr Whelan . . .' Joyce was irritated by being pushed, even briefly, off track. ‘The question remains: How did the most secure building in Australia come to be infiltrated? Many of your systems are off the grid, not connected to the internet.'

‘That's true. The adversary needed to jump the gap to our off-line computers. The only way to do that was to get someone inside to plant it.'

Webster jumped in. ‘And who the fuck was that?'

Whelan's voice was a rasp. ‘Well . . . we have a theory. Which I have to say is . . . unbelievable. But it's the only theory we have.'

‘What is it?' Webster demanded.

‘The only possible breach we can see dates back to September 2008. But as I say . . . it's just inconceivable.'

‘Just spit it out!' The CDF's impatience rang in his voice.

‘Well . . .' Whelan was fidgeting with the pile of notes on his lap. ‘It was at the height of the financial meltdown. The Prime Minister was visiting DSD for the first time. She was asked to turn in her phone at security and kicked up an enormous stink. Said she was expecting a call from the US Treasury Secretary. Insisted on keeping her phone. I was called in. And . . . and I relented.'