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127
. Doris Stiefel, e-mail to the author, 19 March 2001.

128
. Else Pintus, ‘The Diary of Else Pintus: The Story of a Holocaust Survivor’, 1947,
unpublished
diary translated by Doris Stiefel (
née
Pintus), June 1998, and sent to the author, p. 43.

129
. Ibid., pp. 43–4.

130
. Ibid., p. 44.

131
. Judith Marton,
The Diary of Eva Heyman
(New York: Yad Vashem, 1988), p. 20.

132
. Ibid., pp. 94–5.

133
. Adina Blady Szwajger,
I Remember Nothing More
(London: Collins Harvill, 1990), p. 164.

134
. Pintus, ‘The Diary of Else Pintus’, p. 45.

135
. Ibid., p. 49.

136
. Ibid., p. 52.

137
. Ibid., p. 58.

138
. Else Pintus, letter to Erich Pintus dated 26 September 1949, sent by Doris Stiefel;
translated
from the original by Prof. Hamish Ritchie.

139
. Zsoka Mayer, ‘The History of the Mayer Family’, unpublished memoir written by Naomi Szinai’s sister in 1997, p. 1. Sent to the author by Naomi in June 2003. (Elizabeth was known as Zsoka.)

140
. Ibid., p. 3.

141
. Naomi Szinai, ‘My Moment of Truth: A Summernight’s Journey’, 1997, unpublished memoir found in the Wiener Library (K4b (1)H), p. 1.

142
. Naomi Szinai, telephone conversation with the author, 9 March 2003.

143
. Szinai, ‘My Moment of Truth’, p. 2.

144
. Ibid., p. 4.

145
. Ibid., p. 5.

146
. Ibid., pp. 7–8.

147
. Mayer, ‘The History of the Mayer Family’, p. 4.

148
. Mr and Mrs Bela Grunfeld, declaration to Yad Vashem in Tel Aviv, 26 December 1967. Translated from Hungarian by Dr Tom Keve.

149
. Grunfeld declaration.

150
. János Tóth, undated memoir sent by Yad Vashem, 18 February 2004, File No 8588. Translated from Hungarian by Dr Tom Keve.

151
. Ibid.

152
. Ibid.

153
. Dvora Weis, e-mail to author, 2 March 2004, from Department of the Righteous, Yad Vashem.

154
. Hilde Holger, letter to the author, 22 August 2000.

155
. Julia Pascal, obituary of Hilde Holger, the
Guardian
, 26 September 2006.

156
. Hilde Holger, ‘Hilde Holger History Notes’, unpublished memoir written around 1990, p. 9. I am grateful to Primavera Boman-Behram, Hilde’s daughter, for sharing this material with me in 2009.

157
. Ibid.

158
. Ibid., p. 10.

159
. Primavera told me her cousin Mimi Schwartz told her the number was twenty-five, but Hilde has written fourteen.

160
. Dr Margit Franz, e-mail to the author, 6 December 2009 (21:39).

161
. www.mkgandhi.org/articles/ginterview.htm. Dehra Dun’s most famous inmate was Heinrich Harrer, who after several attempts finally escaped in 1944. He recounted his time at the camp in
Seven Years in Tibet
(Rupert Hart-Davis, 1953) and
Beyond Seven Years in Tibet: my life before, during and after
(Labyrynth Press, 2007).

162
. ‘Cultural Activities of Delhi I.F.L. Centre’,
The Evening News
, 13 February 1951.

163
. Franz, e-mail to the author, 6 December 2009 (21:48).

164
. Pascal, obituary of Hilde Holger, 26 September 2001.

165
. Margarita Turkov, ‘When Darkness Prevailed: A Holocaust Memoir’, unpublished memoir dated 2003, sent to the author from Oregon, Pt 2, p. 26.

166
. Ibid., pp. 1, 4.

167
. Ibid., pp. 6–7.

168
. Ibid., p. 10.

169
. Ibid., p. 11.

170
. Ibid., pp. 12–13.

171
. Ibid., p. 14.

172
. Ibid., p. 17.

173
. Ibid., p. 37.

174
. Margarita Turkov, e-mail to the author, 11 December 2003.

175
. Ibid., 9 December 2003.

176
. Lea Goodman, autobiographical letter to her niece Laura, May 1992, p. 1.

177
. Lea Goodman, ‘In Slovakia and in Poland’ in
Zachor
, pp. 75–7.

178
. Goodman, autobiographical letter to her niece, May 1992, p. 4.

179
. Ibid., p. 3.

180
. Robert Rozett, ‘From Poland to Hungary, Rescue Attempts 1943–44’, Yad Vashem Studies, Vol. 24, 1995, pp. 177–93, cited in Goodman, autobiographical letter, May 1992, p. 5.

181
. Goodman, letter to the author, received 8 January 2010.

Now that we have read the narratives about the rescuers and the people they saved, in this section I would like to compare the rescuers, the wider issues of rescue and also show the relevance of their courage to the world in which we live today.

COMPARING THE RESCUERS 

We have seen that the rescuers came from varied backgrounds. We find that some rescuers, such as Józef Barczynski and Dr Ho, had experienced hardship in their youth. Barczynski’s family had been displaced and he therefore identified with the Jews. Dr Ho had grown up at a time when the Chinese were badly treated, so he too could empathise with persecuted Jews.

The Italian Costagutis, Mitzi and the Stenzels all helped people they knew and felt a loyalty towards, either because of previous relationships or living in close proximity. This can also apply to János Tóth who certainly was consistently good to Jews without even considering his own position. The Costagutis knew the people they helped because they were neighbours in Rome. They were not particularly pro-Jewish and some of those they assisted were early members of the Fascist party, so the rescue was really based on their neighbourly relationship and humanitarianism.

Vali Rácz also had mixed motives: loyalty to Jews because she had worked amongst them for years, but also great compassion for those who needed help. Her daughter described her as brave, humane, generous to a fault and having total self-belief.
1

A significant division between the rescuers was that some of them had reacted specifically to the horrors of the Holocaust. Oskar Schindler, Varian Fry and Jaap van Proosdij are three rescuers who fall into this category. Oskar and Varian were older than Jaap, who was only 21, and their earlier lives had not marked them out as people who went out of their way to help others. They performed amazing
deeds for Jews in those desperate times, but altruism was not significant in their lives before or afterwards. Both Oskar and Varian are now dead, but Jaap van Proosdij admitted to me, ‘I don’t know whether I am an humanitarian’,
2
saying he was more likely to help individuals or families than a nation of people in crisis. Although Fry has been called the ‘American Schindler’, these two men came to their rescuees from different directions:

Schindler was a sensualist and an opportunist who stumbled upon a humanitarian duty he could not ignore, although to begin with he probably did try to ignore it. Fry was a sensitive, even prissy individual, an aesthete and an epicure who was driven by idealistic motives to perform a humanitarian duty. Schindler’s was the profiteering escapade that went awry once he discovered by chance that life was more important than money. Fry’s was a deliberate mission that entailed a change of character (though he drew on resources he already possessed). Despite the
differences
between them, both men lived for a time at the very limit of their abilities, where they found their personalities at last fulfilled. What Thomas Keneally wrote of Oskar Schindler – ‘The peace would never exalt him as had the war’ – was also true for Fry.
3

Many of the rescuers were known to be helpful to others all their lives. Charles Fawcett continued to help those in crisis, in spite of recurrent bouts of TB, until he was too frail. In the 1956 Hungarian revolution he rescued many Hungarians and later flew to the Belgian Congo and helped 250 Europeans escape. In the 1980s he was in Afghanistan filming Russian crimes against the Afghans. Henk Huffener also gave his time to help people after the war, assisting both Chileans and West Indians in London in the 1970s. John Schoen’s father was always having people turn up at his door wanting work, and Soeur St Cybard continually aided those in difficulties – she was like a social worker in the area. These were people who continually took responsibility for others who needed their help. They gave it willingly and unstintingly all their lives.

Many rescuers regarded their time in the war as the most significant in their lives. Carl Lutz, Varian Fry and Mary Jayne Gold, the wealthy socialite who funded Varian’s work in Marseilles, all agreed on this:

Those 13 months in Marseilles were the most important of his life and he was never again so fulfilled. Mary Jayne Gold died on 5 October 1997. One of her friends said at her funeral that she ‘felt that only one year in her life really mattered and it was the year she spent in Marseille’. He added: ‘She was a very shrewd woman whose heart was on the right side of issues and who at a crucial turning point in history
understood
what was called for.’ That obituary could speak for Varian Fry too.
4

Carl Lutz’s stepdaughter wrote to me: ‘My father always considered his time in Budapest and the rescue of innocent Jews as the most important part of his life.’
5
She subsequently told me: ‘It was the main subject he talked about. He wrote lots of letters and reports but never wrote his memoirs.’
6
Jaap van Proosdij also said that the period when he was helping the Jews was the time when he felt he was most useful in his life.

Some of the rescuers were not particularly pro-Jewish but their aid was offered as being part of the Resistance or out of loyalty or neighbourliness. The Thiryn family and the Costagutis fell into this group. It has been said that you don’t have to like someone to save them.

Many of the rescued kept close contact with their rescuers after the war. Betty Eppel went to see the Guicherds every year until they died and Suze Brown kept in close touch with the Schoens and visited them every year from America. Even after her death, her widower Arnold and daughters have kept in touch with the Schoens, although the people involved with the rescue are all now dead. Arnold told me how much Suze thought of the family and how she had been so traumatised that she had never spoken to her daughters about her experiences.
7
Margaret Kagan kept in touch with Vytautas as much as the Cold War allowed, and her cousin cradled her rescuer as she died years later. Hermann Maas kept in touch with the Rosenzweig children and continued his work through the ICCJ. The ties between these people were strong, not just because of the debt of saving their lives, but often because living together created powerful bonds – as with Betty Eppel, who experienced very strong love and affection from the Guicherds. Else Pintus, who never married and had no children, left her property to the Stenzels who hid her for two and a half years and saved her life. Irena Veisaite is still in touch with her rescuer’s family and regards them as close family.

Some hidden children were traumatised by the need to return to parents they did not remember, as with Miriam Dunner, who remained closer to her foster mother Elizabeth than her own mother; and even after Elizabeth died, she continued to speak to her foster father Jelle every Sunday, until he too died eight months later. The Eppels did not want to go back with the father they hardly knew. When Josie Martin’s parents turned up for her in August 1944: ‘I took one look and I knew I didn’t want to go with them. I even pretended I didn’t know who they were.’
8
No one had counselling in those days and people were just expected to get on with their lives and be glad they were one of the ‘lucky’ ones. It appears that Josie’s parents did not stay in touch with Soeur St Cybard, which Josie regrets to this day. Frank Auerbach too regrets not contacting Iris Origo, but he was only 8 at the time and it was
never suggested to him. Manli Ho has not found many of the thousands her father saved.

If we look at the diplomats who saved thousands of people with a signature on pieces of paper, without exception all of them suffered in their subsequent careers – some with considerable financial loss. Dr Ho, Carl Lutz and de Sousa Mendes were all criticised for over-reaching their authority. Both Ho and de Sousa Mendes lost their pensions after decades of loyal service.

It is significant that many relatives I have been in touch with were unaware of much I had discovered. Louis Lacalle, grand-nephew of Soeur St Cybard, had no idea of her activities until I wrote to him. Paul Mower, son of Martha Mower, who was saved with her brother Paul, had little idea of how they had made contact with Hermann Maas. Benedetta Origo only found out about her mother’s rescue of Jewish children after she died. It seems understandable that rescuers would perhaps not brag about their actions, but perhaps the rescued might have told their families more.

Nechama Tec, who attempted to establish the social determinants of
rescuers
, eventually concluded: ‘These rescuers acted in ways that were natural to them’ and she also noted that they came from all strata of society. Zygmunt Bauman juxtaposes Tec’s conclusions with research on the high number of divorces amongst hijack victims, as documented in
Le Monde
. Previously
perfectly
happily married couples apparently found that the experience of being hijacked together revealed aspects of their spouse’s personality that were
unfavourable
, and ‘they saw their partners in a new light’.
Le Monde
concluded that in fact these two sides of the spouse’s personality were Janus-like, but it was merely the experience of being hijacked that had revealed the other, ‘which was always present but invisible’. Bauman makes a connection between this research and Tec’s concluding observation:

‘were it not for the Holocaust, most of these helpers might have continued on their independent paths, some pursuing charitable actions, some leading simple,
unobtrusive
lives. They were dormant heroes, often indistinguishable from those around them.’ One of the most powerfully (and convincingly) argued conclusions of the study was the impossibility of ‘spotting in advance’ the signs, or symptoms, or
indicators
, of individual readiness for sacrifice, or of cowardice in the face of adversity; that is, to decide, outside the context that calls them into being or just ‘wakes them up’, the probability of their later manifestation.
9

Varian Fry was precisely this type of person – a most unlikely rescuer. However, this inability to predict future behaviour also applies to the perpetrators. It is
significant
that in reviewing a new biography of Eichmann it was noted:

Nothing in Eichmann’s Protestant background in provincial Austria suggests why he became a mass murderer; his family was unexceptional, and he experienced no difficulties in his chosen line of work as a salesman of fuel oils, a job that familiarised him with distribution and transportation.
10

Judge Moshe Bejski, who had been saved by Oskar Schindler, wrote in 1974:

Unfortunately, no study has yet been carried out on the motives of those who, despite the risk involved, did not bow to the edicts of the occupying authorities or conform to the behaviour of the general population and extended help to Jews. In each case the motives are different, but there is a common denominator among the ‘Righteous’ – the humanitarian motivation which dictates a charitable attitude toward one’s fellow man. Hostility toward the occupying authorities and
opposition
to the cruel acts they perpetrated against the Jewish population were certainly important, but even in these cases, the humanitarian motivation was dominant. Very often religious conviction motivated individuals to help Jews. This is paradoxical, as it is known, and it has been confirmed at this conference, that the Church qua Church did almost nothing to induce its adherents to extend help to the
persecuted
Jews. Nevertheless, quite a few cases have come to our attention in which it was the individual’s profound religious feeling that motivated him to fulfil the command: ‘Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.’ Of course personal
acquaintance
and friendship between the rescuer and the rescued also constituted a motive for extending help in time of trouble. We have already mentioned those of the ‘Righteous Among the Nations’ for whom acts of rescue constituted an integral part of their underground activities.
11

In the preceding chapters the stories of rescuers have been examined, some of whom fall into the categories discussed by Dr Bejski. Whilst the rescuers were gathered in a somewhat random fashion (see Introduction), in that they or the person they rescued presented themselves to me, they come from various
countries
and from different strata in society. They also stated different motives for their actions. Table 3 gives their background and demonstrates that rescuers were not confined to any particular background, degree of education, political,
religious
or economic grouping.

We can therefore see that rescuers were motivated both by conditioning from the various influences on them and by an inherent sense of justice. This sense of justice and fair play appears in comments about many of the rescuers such as Jacob Klerk, who looked after Henri Obstfeld, and John Schoen’s family, who saved Suze.

Perhaps the most significant aspect is the surprise most of them express when asked why they did what they did. Many, including the Guicherds and Vytautas
Rinkevicius, said it was normal – anyone would have done it – yet the maths proves them wrong – most people didn’t. If they had, there would have been no Holocaust and I would not have written this book.

DO SMALL GESTURES OF RESISTANCE AMOUNT TO RESCUE?

Studies of the Holocaust traditionally discuss four categories: perpetrators, bystanders, rescuers and victims. However, Hubert Locke, who describes himself as a black American Christian, has queried these categories as a vast
oversimplification
. To support his view he refers to the economic boycott, expected to last a week, announced on 1 April 1933. In fact, it fizzled out after one day because ordinary Germans refused to participate:

There are countless stories of little old ladies who said, ‘I’ve always shopped at that grocery store. I know it’s owned by the Steins but I’m not going to pay any
attention
to the Brown Shirt thugs who are standing out front saying, “Don’t buy Jewish goods”.’ People like this don’t fit into any of the conventional categories: they were weren’t perpetrators, they weren’t victims and they certainly weren’t bystanders. How are we to understand their motivation?
12

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