Tudor Queenship: The Reigns of Mary and Elizabeth (29 page)

Thus, it is not surprising that Mary and the Tudors in general play a far smaller role in these texts. Quite conventionally, Mary is lauded for her noble descent and, mostly without any further specifications, for her virtues.
²⁷
Some texts also link these virtues directly to what was generally perceived as the “miracle of her accession,” due to divine intervention on her behalf.
²⁸
Furthermore, she is presented as God’s instrument, his
ancilla
 (handmaiden), and likened to Judith in her role in saving her people.
²⁹
Piety and constancy are mentioned as her most striking characteristics, through which “she remained the one hope and refuge of the Faith in this realm” under her predecessors, preserved by God through all trials.
³⁰
Mary’s thankfulness and belief in God’s intervention in her favor are also employed in a fictitious speech in which Mary expresses her joy that God had “prescribed” her to the “House of Austria,” the most eminent dynasty of its time.
³¹

This leads directly to the main focus of all the eulogistic texts examined with regard to the wedding: a praise of Habsburg glory. The occasion of Philip’s wedding was obviously grasped as an opportunity to remind Tudor and Habsburg subjects alike of the greatness of his ancestors’ deeds, especially those that were similar to his perceived task in England: fighting the infidel. Thus, there are references to his great-grandmother Isabel of Castile, who defeated the Moors in Spain, as well as to Philip’s father, the Emperor Charles V, and his military successes in Tunis and against the Turks in Hungary.
³²
Philip, however, is lauded in a rather conventional and less specific way as virtuous, pious, scholarly, and faithful as well as generous and merciful. The description of his virtues led Christopherson to the conclusion that “as [the] Spaniardes have good cause to lament for hys departing, so we Englishmen have juste occasion to rejoyse for his comming.”
³³
There are also references to other rulers who share his name, such as Philip of Macedonia, the Roman Emperor Philip, and two Dukes of Burgundy, conveying the impression of a tradition of good rule by persons of that name.
³⁴
However, being the son of Charles V is presented as Philip’s most outstanding quality and could even be included as part of his title.
³⁵
As Leonard Gorecki acknowledged, Philip had already shown the same signs of greatness as his father, who was meant to be the most outstanding role model for his son.
³⁶

Stressing that bride and groom were not only virtuous themselves but also descendants of noble and virtuous families was a common feature of positive accounts of unions, raising hopes for a bright future.
³⁷
In the case of Mary and Philip, there was a long tradition of unions between England and Spain, from the marriage of King Henry II’s daughter Eleanor to the King of Castile in the twelfth century to the most recent union of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon, Mary’s parents. Since precedents were always considered to be a good argument for a political move, these examples were employed by Mameranus, although with some genealogical mistakes.
³⁸
More important than the fact that this was already the fifth union between England and Spain was the conclusion that Philip and Mary had common ancestry and, furthermore, that Philip was of English royal blood. His descent from Edward III was the theme of one pageant displayed at the couple’s first entry to London, one of the few occasions where we have evidence of genuinely English propaganda in favor of this union.
³⁹
When one Italian author wrote in late September 1554 that “thanks to God’s grace the kingdom was peaceful...and everyone was very satisfied, even more by having realised...that his Majesty [i.e., Philip] was of English royal blood, as it had been publicly demonstrated to everyone,” he grasped not only the intention behind publicizing this fact but also the main aim of this union from the English point of view: to restore peace and unity in their troubled country.
⁴⁰

With these expectations in mind, the marriage between Mary and Philip was presented as “most noble news” and “the greatest hope for our realm.”
⁴¹
Gorecki directly addresses the English people in telling them that Philip would be useful for them, and a Spanish text states that Mary had chosen her husband solely for her country’s benefit, a statement she had made herself when she had announced her decision to marry.
⁴²
The publication of the very favorable marriage treaty not only in English but also in Italian (by a Roman printer) underlined this view.
⁴³

Philip, of course, also played a very important role in this context. His first encounters with his new people were closely observed and authors unanimously proclaimed their verdict that he did very well in winning the hearts of his new subjects. The author of the 
Narratione assai piu particolare
summed it up best when he wrote that the English

stayed most satisfied with this tall and benign prince whose prudence and seriousness is demonstrated in his reasoning full of importance and [good] counsel, in the courtesy and gentility of speaking, the reception and general treatment of every person after his rank. In the zeal and affection he carries towards the Christian and Catholic religion; the inclination towards all good order, and government of justice...with their great satisfaction asking them to give them good and true performance [and to follow every contract agreed on and ratified in advance].
⁴⁴

Furthermore, it was observed that Philip not only followed the prescriptions of the marriage treaty but also behaved in line with English customs—a fact very important in sixteenth-century culture with its great emphasis on custom and precedent.
⁴⁵

The English fear that their queen would be dominated by her Habsburg husband was tackled by a subtle change in ceremonial: Mary stood on the honorific right side and the Mayor of London delivered a mace signifying his power and authority to the queen alone. Mary also lived in the king’s quarters in Whitehall.
⁴⁶
However, it was only Elder who mentioned this; the reports printed in foreign languages are silent about what could have been perceived as a snub for the Habsburgs.
⁴⁷
Instead, they look forward to Philip’s coronation in the near future, which, of course, never took place.
⁴⁸

All the reports do stress, however, that the couple seemed to like each other, a positive omen for the much-desired male heir Mary was supposed to conceive as soon as possible. As one Spanish observer put it while commenting on the wedding, “if they give us a son our joy will be complete.”
⁴⁹
When Mary was (falsely) thought to be pregnant in early autumn 1554, Philip seemed to have fulfilled one major expectation of the marriage.
⁵⁰
His popularity was on the rise and even after Mary’s death, when all hopes were proved false, it was still stated that he had managed to convince the English that they did not need to fear foreign domination.
⁵¹
Though this was probably a rather optimistic assessment, in the autumn of 1554 the future looked bright for those in favor of a Habsburg union, which promised to secure the country’s possession of Calais and to restore peace, unity, and tranquility in mainland England—as Gorecki and Mameranus similarly and repeatedly put it.
⁵²

The main aim of the marriage, at least in the words of these two authors, was to continue the project Mary had started with her “victory over Lutheran tyranny:” to free England from “heresy.” How desirable this had to be for everyone could be inferred from both authors’ lengthy description of the horrible state of affairs before Mary’s accession.
⁵³
In the minds of those Catholic authors, peace and unity could come true only by overcoming what, for them, had been the most fatal mistake of English policy in the past: the break from papal authority. This had to be overcome by all means. “Restoring this kingdom to the place it held in Christendom as an obedient daughter of the Catholic Church,” however, was a goal that had implications far beyond England herself.
⁵⁴

The marriage of Mary and Philip was, therefore, presented as “not only for the comfort and benefit of this entire realm, but universally of the entire Christendom.”
⁵⁵
The European dimension of this powerful union between the Tudors and the Habsburgs was underlined by the repeated announcement of the couple’s new titles in Latin, French, and English as

Philip and Marie by the grace of god king and Quene of England, Frau[n]ce, Naples, Hierusale[m], & Ireland, defenders of the faith, Princes of Spain and Secyll Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Milla[n], Burgu[n]dy, and Braba[n]t, Counties of Haspurge, Flau[n]ders and Tirol.
⁵⁶

Mary and Philip were “defenders of the faith”—and, in some of our texts, defending is understood in a very “active” way. Gorecki begs God to save the couple “to propagate the name of his son, our Lord Jesus Christ.”
⁵⁷
What he and the author of 
La solenne et felice intrata
meant hereby was actively fighting the enemies of the Christian faith, namely “Turks, daemons, heretics.”
⁵⁸
Gorecki, looking at problems from a Polish perspective, dwelt extensively on the past and future threat that Protestants and especially Turks posed to Christian Europe. To him, as well as to Mameranus, uniting against the latter had to be the main aim of Christian rulers all over Europe.
⁵⁹
The author of the 
Kurtze anzeigung
 followed this line by a general exhortation to free Jerusalem from the Turks, “not out of selfishness but for the protection of the poor Christians.”
⁶⁰

All in all, these authors put the marriage in the broader context of European-wide problems. And thus, the union between England and the Habsburg dominions was presented as an important tool in achieving the ultimate goal: temporal and spiritual peace and unity among Europeans.

V

The aims of publications related to the Tudor–Habsburg union can thus be easily identified: they were meant to celebrate Habsburg glory and to prove that Philip was the ideal husband for Mary, who could ensure that England as well as Catholicism would benefit from this union. They were equally addressing English fears and hopes nurtured in the Habsburg dominions whose inhabitants were meant to perceive this marriage as another example of their rulers’ greatness. The next crucial step was also clearly outlined: England had to be reconciled with Rome—and with the help of these publications it was hoped that no one would fail to perceive the link between the marriage and this victory for Catholicism.

It was probably these great expectations that led to such a wide range of publications related to this particular marriage. The Stuart–Valois marriage, however, was just a standard political union against the English and the Habsburgs, to be celebrated by the French; it was not seen in any greater scheme of strengthening Catholicism. The marriage of Philip II and Elizabeth Valois in 1559 took place after peace between the Habsburgs and the French had been achieved at Cateau-Cambrésis and was perhaps overshadowed by it. In the Habsburg territories, at least, there seems to have been less interest in publicizing this marriage.

But how successful was the publicity surrounding these marriages? One hint is provided by sixteenth-century chronicles, which seem to have used exactly the reports and newsletters analyzed above.
⁶¹
Although the chronicles fail to give us an idea of the general reception of the propaganda, they are vital indicators of the dissemination and assumed reliability of these publications. And, in this respect, the texts related to the marriage of Mary I and Philip of Spain in particular and to the general “Habsburg approach” of focusing on factual reports and addressing political difficulties and hopes seem to have been more successful. Even some French chronicles declare that the initial difficulties of the Tudor–Habsburg union were overcome by the marriage treaty, whereas the marriage of Mary Stuart and the French Dauphin is not even mentioned in two of the most widely disseminated historical works of the time.
⁶²
However, in works published well after Mary I’s death in 1558, all the three marriages were overshadowed by the importance of the peace treaty of 1559, which seemed to have fulfilled what the Tudor–Habsburg union had failed to provide in the end: Catholic unity.

What remains of the “propaganda value” of Mary and Philip’s marriage? It was clearly publicized in an unusually sensitive way with regard to English fears and in an effective way with regard to placing it well into the greater scheme of Habsburg ambitions, acknowledged even by French chroniclers. That this marriage lost its attraction with time cannot be blamed on unsuccessful propaganda but on the course of history. Analyzing these texts gives a clear idea of the great expectations and the European-wide importance of that union in 1554–55 that should not be neglected if we want to truly understand the reign of Mary. Although these expectations were disappointed in the end, at the time of the actual wedding everything still seemed to be possible—even a lasting victory over Protestantism. As undesirable as this might have been for the majority of later Marian historians, it was certainly the greatest hope for Catholics of that time.

Notes

1. For the expression of hope see Junius, Civ. See Appendix A for full references to the primary sources related to Mary and Philip’s marriage.
   
2. See David Loades, 
   Mary Tudor. A Life
    (Oxford and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1989), Chapters 5 and 6, and David Loades, 
   The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government and Religion in England 1553–58,
    2nd edn. (London and New York: Longman, 1991), chapters 5 and 9.
   
3. See, among others, 
   Europa triumphans: Court and Civic Festivals in Early Modern Europe
   , ed. J. R. Mulryne, H. Watanabe-O’Kelly and M. Shewring, 2 vols. (Aldershot: MHRA in cooperation with Ashgate, 2004) and H. Watanabe O’Kelly, “Early Modern European Festivals: Politics and Performance, Event and Record” in 
   Court Festivals of the European Renaissance: Art, Politics and Performance
   , ed. J. R. Mulryne and E. Goldring (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), 1–12.
   
4. “Propaganda” will be understood in this essay as the dissemination of (partially tailored) information in order to persuade specific audiences of the rightfulness and desirability of certain events and aims. For a further discussion of the employability of this term for early modern times see, among others, A. Heintzel, 
   Propaganda im Zeitalter der Reformation: Persuasive Kommunikation im 16. Jahrhundert
    (St. Augustin: Gardez!, 1998) and B. Taithe and T. Thornton, “Propaganda: A Misnomer of Rhetoric and Persuasion?” in 
   Propaganda: Political Rhetoric and Identity 1300–2000
   , ed. B. Taithe and T. Thornton (Stroud: Alan Sutton, 1999), 1–24.
   
5. Heywood, Christopherson, and the often-quoted Elder.
   
6. In Italian the anonymous publications 
   Copia d’una lettera
   , 
   Il trionfo delle superbe Nozze
   , 
   La vera Capitulatione
   , 
   La solenne et felice intrata
   , and 
   Narratione
   assai piu particolare
   , as well as Albicante and Car.; in Latin the anonymous 
   Oratio pia
   , Gorecki, Junius and Mameranus; in Spanish Muñoz and Enriquez (the latter translated in 
   CSPSp
   , XIII: 7–13); in German the anonymous 
   Kurtze anzeigung
    and 
   Newe Zeytung
   ; and in Dutch the anonymous
   Een nieuu tiidinghe
    and 
   Seker nieuwe tijdinge
   .
   
7. See “Heywood, John,” 
   ODNB
   ; “Christopherson, John,” 
   ODNB
   ; “Elder, John,” 
   ODNB
   ; P. de Gayangos, “Introduccion” in 
   Viaje de Felipe Segundo á
   Inglaterra, por Andrés Muñoz (impreso en Zaragoza en 1554), y relaciones varias
   relativas al mismo suceso
   , ed. P. de Gayangos (Madrid: Aribau, 1877), vi; M. A. S. Hume, “The Visit of Philip II,” EHR 7 (1892): 258–9 (on Enriquez and Car.); A. Asor-Rosa, “Albicante, Giovanni Alberto” in Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana (ed.), 
   Dizionario biografico degli italiani
   , 63 vols. (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 1960–), II: 1–2; A. Roersch, “Nicolas de Mamer” in L’Académie Royale des Sciences des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique (ed.), 
   Biographie Nationale,
    44 vols. (Brussels, 1898), XV: cols. 685–91; “Junius, Hadrianus,” 
   ODNB
   ; and for Gorecki,
   Allgemeines Gelehrtenlexicon...
   , ed. C. G. Jöcher, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1750), II: col. 1075.
   
8. The places of publication of 
   Een nieuu tiidinghe
    and 
   Il trionfo delle superbe Nozze
    are unknown.
   
9. Car., 
   Copia d’vna lettera
   , 
   Een nieuu tiidinghe
   , Enriquez, Elder, 
   Il trionfo delle superbe Nozze
   , 
   La solenne et felice intrata
   , Muñoz, 
   Narratione assai piu particolare
   , 
   Newe Zeytung
    and 
   Seker nieuwe tijdinge
   .
   
10. Albicante, Gorecki, Heywood, Junius, 
    Kurtze anzeigung
    , Mameranus and 
    Oratio pia
    .
    
11. In French the anonymous, 
    Discours du grand et magnifique triumphe faict au mariage de tresnoble & magnifique Prince François de Vallois Roy Dauphin...
    (Paris, 1558); J. A. de Ba ïf
    , Chant de joie du jour des espousailles de François Roidaufin et de Marie Roine d’Escosse
     (Paris, 1558); J. Grévin, 
    Hymne a Monseigneur le Dauphin sur le mariage dudict seigneur, et de Madame Marie
    Esteuart, Royne d’Escosse
     (Paris, 1558); J. de la Maisonneuve, 
    L’adieu des neuf
    muses, aux roys, princes, et princesses de France, à leur departement du festin
    nuptial de Françoys de Valoys Roy Dauphin, & Marie Estouart Royne d’Escoçe
    (Paris, 1558); and J. de la Tapie d’Aurillac, 
    Chantz royaulx sur les Triumphes
    du mariage du Roy Daulphin, & la Royne Daulphine
     (Paris, 1558); in Latin G. Buchanan, “Francisci Valesii et Mariae Stuartae, Regum Franciae et Scotiae, Epithalamium” in 
    Epithalamia tria Mariana, infelicibus eheu!...
    , ed. F. Wrangham (Chester: T. Griffith, 1837), 2–17; M. de L’Hôpital, 
    In
    Francisci Illustr. Franciae Delphini, et Mariae Sereniss. Scotorum Reginae
    nuptias, viri cuiusdam ampliss. carmen
     (Paris, 1558) and A. Turnebus,
    Epithalamium Francisci Valesii...& Mariae Stuartae
     (Paris, 1558) and the anonymous English fragment, 
    [A description of Mary’s wedding to the dauphin. Scottish translation with additions of “Discours du grand et magnifique triumphe’]
     ([Edinburgh], [1558]).
    
12. See John Guy, “
    My Heart Is My Own”: The Life of Mary Queen of Scots
    (London: Harper Perennial, 2004), 89.
    
13. In French the anonymous publications, 
    Discours de la delivrance & reception de la Royne Catholique Elizabeth de France...
    (Lyon, [1559]); (1559) 
    Discours Des Triumphes du Mariage du Roy Catholicque d’Espagne, & de madame Elizabeth...
    (Paris, 1559); 
    La publication des emprises du tournoy qui doibt ester faict à Paris
    ...
    pour la solennité des tresheureux mariages du Roy Catholique
    ...(Paris, 1559); 
    La reception faicte par les deputez du Roy d’Espaigne, de la Royne leur souveraine Dame
    ...(Paris, 1559); F. de Belleforest, 
    Chant pastoral
    sur les nopces de tres-illustres Princes et Princesses, Philippe d’Autriche Roy des
    Espagnes
    ...(Paris, 1559); J. Du Boys, 
    Comedie et Resjouyssance de Paris, sur
    les Mariages du Roy Catholique d’Espagne, & du Prince de Piedmont
    ...(Paris, 1559); B. de Girard, 
    L’union des princes par les mariages de treshault, tresillustre, tresexcellent, & trespuissant Prince, Philippe Roy Catholique des Espaignes, &
    treshaute, tresillustre, & tresexcellente princesse, Madame Elizabet de France...
    (Paris, 1559); J. Grévin, 
    Pastorale sur les mariages des princesses Madame Elisabet
    fille énée de France
    ...(Paris, 1559); F. Habert, 
    Eglogue Pastorale sur l’union
    nuptialle de treshault, & trespuissant Seigneur, Philippes, Roy d’Hespagne, & de
    tresexcellente, & tresvertueuse Princesse, madame Elisabeth
    ...(Paris, 1559); in Italian the anonymous 
    Discorso e particolar notitia de le feste, trionfi, pompe,
    e giostre fatte in Francia, dopo la conclusion de la pace, nel sposar di Madama
    Elisabetta primagenita del Re Christianissimo...
    (Venice, 1559); 
    Narratione
    del sponsalitio delle due serenissime Maesta Philippo Re Catolico di Spagna, & la
    Regina Isabella sorella del Re Christianissimo di Franza
    ...(1560); O. Capello,
    La regale et trionfante entrata in Spagna nella nobil citta di Toledo Della Ser.ma
    Regina Isabella figlia del Ser. Henrico Secondo Rè di Francia
    ...(Milan, 1560); F. di Marchi, 
    Aviso mandato d’al magnifico capitano Francesco di Marchi da
    Bologna, dove narra à pieno le [...] feste fatte nelle Nozze del Serenißimo Re
    Catholico di Spagna,
     
    Et della Serenißima Regina sua Consorte...
    (Bologna, 1560); in Spanish A. Gómez de Castro, 
    El Recebimiento que la Universidad de
    Alcalá de
     
    Henares hizo a los Reyes Nuestros Señores...
    (1560) and A. Gómez de Castro, 
    Recebimiento que la imperial ciudad de Toledo hizo á la Majestad de la
    reina nuestra Señora Doña Isabel...
    (Toledo, 1561); and the Latin C. de Vaulx,
    Regales Gallorum Regis Trivmphi Parrisiis celebrati in gratiam Nuptiarum filiae
    illius Elizabet cum Hispaniarum Regem...
    (Paris, 1559).
    
14. Albicante, Car., 
    Copia d’una lettera, Een nieuu tiidinghe
    , Enriquez, 
    Il trionfo delle superbe Nozze
    , 
    La solenne et felice intrata
    , Muñoz, 
    Narratione assai piu particolare
     and 
    Seker nieuwe tijdinge
    .
    
15. Elder, Aiiir; 
    Newe Zeytung
    , Aiiir; 
    Copia d’una lettera
    , Aiir (also displaying the coat of arms of the Order of the Garter on the title page as does 
    Seker nieuwe tijdinge
    , Bivv); 
    Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 2; Albicante, fol. 4r.
    
16. Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 2. All translations are my own, unless otherwise stated.
    
17. Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 2ff.
    
18. Elder, Aiiir; 
    CSPSp
    , XIII: 10.
    
19. Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 5.
    
20. Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 6.
    
21. Elder, Aviiir ff. See also Muñoz, 13–16 and 
    CSPSp
    , XIII: 10.
    
22. See the passages taken from 
    Narratione assai piu particolare
     above, as well as
    Copia d’una lettera
    , Aiiv and Car., Avr.
    
23. Copia d’una lettera
    , Aiiiv ff.; Car., Avv ff. a nd 
    Il trionfo delle superbe Nozze
    , Aivr. Muñoz and 
    Narratione assai piu particolare
     rather focus on the dresses of the entire train.
    
24. Compare the description of guests given by Elder (“...declaration of the riche and sundrie apparelles whiche the nobilitie of Englande and Spayne used, and ware at and after the mariage of these two most excellent Princes, it were but a phantasie and losse of paper and ynke: for no mortall Princes (Emperoures and kinges only except) were able surely to excell them...I never sawe the lyke, in all the Countreys that ever I travayled...it was a wonder to see” [Elder, Biv]) with the translation of Enriquez (“On Wednesday, the feast of St. James, the King went forth with a brave following of grandees and gentlemen of his court, so magnificently attired that neither his Majesty’s nor his Highness’s court ever saw the like, such was the display of rich garments and chains, each one finer than the last” [
    CSPSp
    , XIII: 10]). It is striking that while Elder is using this description for English and Spanish nobles alike, Enriquez seems to be referring to the Spanish only.
    
25. Copia d’una lettera
    , Aiiv.
    
26. Mameranus, Aivr ff. See also Junius, Bivr with reference to “laetitia publica.”
    
27. Mameranus, Biiv.
    
28. Mameranus, Biiv and 
    Kurtze anzeigung
    , Aiir, Aiiir.
    
29. Oratio pia
    , Aiiir ff., Avr; Mameranus, Eivr.
    
30. CSPSp
    , XIII: 12.
    
31. Kurtze anzeigung
    , Aiiv.
    
32. Elder, Cvv. For further references to Charles’s and his ancestors’ achievements see Gorecki, Biiiv, Divr ff., Eir f, Mameranus, Eiiv and 
    Kurtze anzeigung
    , Aiiiv.
    
33. Christopherson, Niiv.
    
34. Elder, Bviiv ff.
    
35. Gorecki, Diiiv. See Elder, Aiiv: “Philip by the grace of god king of England, Fraunce Naples, Hierusalem and Irelande, and sonne to the most fortunate and most victorious Monarche Charles the fifte of that name, nowe Emperour of Rome.”
    
36. Gorecki, Cir Eiiv.
    
37. Junius, Div.
    
38. Mameranus, Aivv, Civ.
    
39. Elder, Ciir ff. For a full analysis of the royal entry and its pageantry see Sydney Anglo, 
    Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy
    , 2nd edn. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 326–39.
    
40. Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 12.
    
41. Elder, Aiiv; Junius, Civ.
    
42. Gorecki, Aiiiv ff.; 
    Copia d’una carta muy verdadera delo que ha suscedido en la corte / y campo de su Magestad. Y tambie[n] delo q[ue] passa en Inglaterra
    ...([1554]), fol. 1v; Christopherson, Lvv. See also Loades, 
    Mary
    , 214.
    
43. La vera Capitulatione
    .
    
44. Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 11. Also the anonymous Spanish 
    Copia d’una carta
    , fol. 2v mentioned that Philip was much loved all over the kingdom because he reigned with peace and justice.
    
45. Mameranus, Diir.
    
46. Elder, Avir, Bvr; Cvr. See also Judith Richards, “Mary Tudor as “Sole Quene’?: Gendering Tudor Monarchy,” 
    HJ
     40 (1997): 910 and Alexander Samson, “The Marriage and Royal Entry of Philip, Prince of Austria, and Mary Tudor, July–August 1554,” 
    SCJ
     36 (2005): 763, 767. See also Alexander Samson’s “Power Sharing: The Co-monarchy of Mary and Philip” in this volume.
    
47. In one Spanish manuscript, however, it was claimed that Philip sat on the right during the wedding ceremony: see R. Hilton, “The Marriage of Queen Mary and Philip of Spain,” 
    Papers and Proceedings of the Hampshire
    Field Club and Archaeological Society
    , 14 (1939): 55.
    
48. Copia d’una carta
    , fol. 2v; 
    Copia d’una lettera
    , Aiiiv; and 
    Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 10.
    
49. CSPSp
    , XIII: 11. See also Albicante, fol. [21]r; 
    Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 5; Elder, Avr; 
    Copia d’una lettera
    , Aiiv, Aivv; 
    Kurtze anzeigung
    , Aiir; and the title of 
    Oratio pia
    .
    
50. Copia d’vna carta
    , fol. 2v.
    
51. See the Latin oration made on behalf of Mary’s death by A. Guidus, 
    Antonii
    Guidi oratio in funere Mariae Britanniae Reginae ad Cardinales Regumque &
    Rerumpublicarum legatos...
    (Rome: [1559]), Civv.
    
52. Gorecki, Eivr. See also Gorecki, Bir, Biiv, Fivr and Mameranus, Bivv, Eiir.
    
53. Gorecki, Aiiir, Biiir ff., Fir; Mameranus, Bir ff., Bivv.
    
54. CSPSp
    , XIII: 11.
    
55. Narratione assai piu particolare
    , 11.