Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (19 page)

For women who worked outside the home, it was not an easy task
juggling the double responsibilities of homemaker and wage earner. But
as long as there were jobs for them and working outside paid more than
home work, women were compelled to become factory laborers out of
economic necessity. The piece-rate system and flexible schedule in some
ways worked to the advantage of both employers and employees. The
latter gained by being able to work whatever hours they could depending on family duties, while the former profited by paying women at piece
rates they set. Against the backdrop of a cramped and unsanitary working environment, a grueling pace of work, and downward pressure on
wages, this system also accounted for the unstructured work style, personal autonomy, and congenial atmosphere that made garment work
more bearable to both Jewish and Chinese women. As the Industrial
Welfare Commission investigator observed in 192.2.:

Most of the women drift into the factory from ten to eleven in the morning. They return home when the children are due, around luncheon and
at three in the afternoon before they go to the Chinese school. They give
them their bread and butter or whatever corresponds to it in Chinese.
Children who were in the plant frequently needed the mothers' attention and there was cessation of work very often when we came into a
workroom. Sometimes the power was shut off, so that no one missed
anything of our business. There was stoppage too when a worker felt the
need of a cup of tea, the tea caddy being a feature of several places. 115

Joining the labor market proved to be a double-edged sword for Chinese immigrant women: on the one hand, their earnings helped some
to support their families and elevate their socioeconomic status; on the
other hand, they became exploited laborers in the factory system, adding
work and stress to their already burdensome family life.116 As immigrants
and women of color, they were relegated to the lowest rungs of the labor market. On the positive side, however, working outside the home
offered women social rewards-a new sense of freedom, accomplishment, and camaraderie. As was true for Jewish women who worked in
the neighborhood garment shop, Chinese women developed long-lasting relationships with their employers and with fellow employees who
shared a common past, culture, geographic origin, and concern for one
another's well-being. The sewing factory was more than just a workplace. It was an arena for social interactions, where women could learn from
one another, share problems, support one another, bicker and make up,
and pass the time with storytelling and jokes, gossip and news, and
singing while they worked. As one study pointed out, "It is apparent
that some go to work in factories merely for a pastime so that they can
mingle in groups and pass the time away quicker."' 17 Working outside
the home also meant that Chinese women were no longer confined to
the home; they were earning money for themselves or the family, and
they were making new acquaintances and becoming exposed to new
ideas. Some used their earnings to send remittances back to their families in China, while others invested in jewelry and property. As Jane
Kwong Lee observed, having money to spend made the women feel more
liberated in America than in China: "They can buy things for themselves,
go out to department stores to choose their own clothes instead of
sewing them."1 is Once released from the confines of the home and exposed to the outside world, they also became more socially aware, and
some were even drawn to community activism.

INTO THE PUBLIC SPHERE: COMMUNITY WORK

For working-class women like Law Shee Low, family and
work responsibilities consumed all their time and energy, leaving little
left over for self-improvement or leisure activities, and even less for community involvement. This was not the case for a growing group of educated, middle-class women who, inspired by Christianity, Chinese nationalism, and Progressivism, took the first steps toward community
activism in Chinatown. Prominent among these early leaders and activists
were the wives and daughters of merchants and Protestant ministers.

Chinese women's efforts to organize for self-improvement and community service paralleled those of the white and black women's club
movements, although Chinese women's clubs developed much later and
followed a different course in certain respects. While white and black
women started their clubs in the early and late nineteenth century, respectively, the first major Chinese women's club in America-the Chinese Women's Jeleab [Self-Reliance] Association-did not appear until
1913. As Gerda Lerner points out, women's organizations usually got
going only after a sizable group of educated, middle-class women with
some leisure emerged."' Given their later arrival and smaller numbers
in America, Chinese women were slower than white and black women
in developing the necessary leadership for organized activity. The orga nizational structure of these women's clubs was similar, though, since
black and Chinese women patterned their clubs after those of white
women. Indeed, one of the reasons black and Chinese women's clubs
formed in the first place was that both groups were excluded from white
women's clubs. Middle-class values such as support for education, socioeconomic mobility, and community improvement formed the basis
for most women's organizations, but white women were more interested
in self-improvement and gender equality, black women in racial equality, and Chinese women in national salvation for China.120 The driving
force behind Chinese immigrant women's entry into the public sphere
was the well-being of their family, community, and nation.

The Protestant churches were the first to encourage Chinese women's
participation in organized activities outside the home, as evidenced by
the small but visible number of Chinese women who attended Sunday
services, English classes, meetings, outings, and Christmas programs
sponsored by churches in the early r9oos. At a time when respectable
women were still seldom seen in public, these regular outings were often the only occasion on which women left their homes. This point was
made in a San Francisco Chronicle interview with Foo Tai, "a Christianized Chinese woman." According to the reporter, Foo Tai spent her
day at home cooking, sewing, and caring for her baby while her husband worked outside as a cook. An educated woman, she seldom went
out except to attend church meetings as president of the Chinese
Women's Society of the Baptist Mission or to shop at the local stores.'2'
A number of other churches helped organize similar Chinese women's
societies to encourage involvement in Christian activities. Members of
the (Congregational) Mothers and Daughters Society, (Presbyterian) Circle of the King's Daughters, and (Methodist) Missionary Society met
regularly to have lunch or socialize, and paid dues to help support the
work of Bible women in their home villages in China.'22

Chan Fuk Tai, an educated woman who was married to a pharmacist, also seldom went out except to teach Bible study, Chinese language,
and embroidery to Chinese girls at the Baptist church. According to
her daughter Dora Lee Wong, it was the one chance she had to mingle
with other Chinese women, many of whom were the wives of Chinese
ministers. "And she had quite a large class of students-girls who came
from well-to-do merchant families," Dora added.123 The church thus
provided educated, middle-class women such as Foo Tai and Chan Fuk
Tai entry into the public sphere, an opportunity to interact with other
women of like mind, and a means to develop leadership skills. Indeed, Chinese women committed to the Christian cause were among the earliest women leaders in the community to organize events on behalf of
women, the church, and national salvation. For example, Mrs. Ng Poon
Chew (a.k.a. Chun Fah), who was brought up and educated at the Presbyterian Mission Home, was indispensable to her husband in his role as
minister, CSYP editor, and champion for civil rights and Chinese nationalism. She was also actively involved in the establishment of the Chinese YWCA in 1916, led many fund-raising drives on behalf of China
and the Chinese community, and, along with other Chinese Christian
wives, took the initiative to sponsor community forums on nationalist
and women's issues.124

Chinese women's involvement in church activities expanded their gender roles, in effect. The Won family, for example, was first exposed to
Christianity when a Chinese missionary came to their house to tell them
Bible stories. The five daughters in the family were encouraged to attend an embroidery class at the Methodist church, and all were baptized
at the Congregational church. They then persuaded their mother, Wong
Ho, to attend church as well. "We were very fortunate that mother listened to us and was willing to go to church and to some of the meetings," said one of the five daughters, Won King Yoak. "By associating
with other church members, my mother became more open-minded.
We were all well read and up-to-date with the latest news."12' The women
in the family later became the first Chinese American women to join Dr.
Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary party and to be married in the Western tradition.

One of the earliest Christian organizations to serve Chinese American women, and certainly the longest-lasting, was the Chinese YWCA,
established in 1916 and still functioning today in San Francisco Chinatown. 116 Its homogeneous membership, reflecting the segregated living
patterns in existence even today, is indicative of a time when Chinese
women were excluded from both white female and Chinese male organizations. Unlike YWCA branches in the South, however, the Chinese
YWCA worked from the very beginning to garner the involvement and
support of Chinese women and the Chinatown community in all aspects
of its operations' 27-a strategy more in keeping with the national organization's goals of inclusiveness, local autonomy, and indigenous programs. It also paralleled the YWCA's efforts in China at the time, which
sought to improve literacy, health care, and job and leadership skills
among women who were assuming new roles because of industriali-
zation.12s In San Francisco, Chinese Christians, particularly educated middle-class women like Mrs. Ng Poon Chew, Mrs. Theodore Chow,
the wife of a Methodist pastor, and Mrs. H. Y. Chang, the wife of the
secretary of the Chinese Legation, were involved in the planning stages
of the Chinese YWCA. Although the local branch was headed by white
women until Rose Chew was appointed in 193 z, a predominantly Chinese board of directors and bilingual staff set policies, implemented programs, and handled casework. By 192.9, all but one of the board members were Chinese women-the wives of merchants and ministers as well
as single women with professional backgrounds.

Chinese YWCA Board of Directors, 19zos. Emily Fong (Mrs. B. S. Fong)
and Chun Fah (Mrs. Ng Poon Chew) arc in the first row, second and third
from left; Won King Yoak (Mrs. Daniel Wu) is in the back row, fourth from
left. (Courtesy of Chinese YWCA, San Francisco)

The YWCA was well regarded by progressive elements in the Chinese
community because of the organization's promotion of Chinese nationalism. According to an editorial in CSYP, "The hand that rocks the cradle rules the world.... By helping our women develop morally, intellectually, physically, and socially . . . the YWCA is benefiting the family and the future citizens of tomorrow and, therefore, the Chinese community as well as our country."129 The YWCA nurtured this positive
image by making extensive use of the Chinese press to publicize its programs and by maintaining direct involvement in community and fundraising activities, such as Red Cross work, benefits for Chinese Hospital, famine and war relief work for China, receptions for Chinese
dignitaries, and Chinese Independence Day parades. The YWCA also
took the leadership role in promoting better housing, health, and child
care services and countering negative images of Chinese Americans in
movies and Chinatown tours. Its repeated successful drives for new members, the Community Chest, and the YWCA capital fund speak well of
the relentless efforts of Chinese women who were committed to the organization and reflect the wide support the YWCA enjoyed in the community. During the first year of its operation, 19 16, the organization attracted z8o members. By 19zo it had grown to Soo members, and five
years later, to 699 members. But its programs and services reached beyond these numbers, serving an average of r 5,ooo persons a year in the
19zos. Even in the midst of the depression, women who were earning
only $1.25 a day gave $i.oo to renew their annual membership, and the
community came through with $zs,ooo to help build a new facility at
the organization's present site on Clay Street.

During its first fifteen years, and before the emergence of the second
generation, the Chinese YWCA focused on serving immigrant women
with home visits, English classes, advice on household sanitation and baby
care, interpreting services, and help with employment, immigration, and
domestic problems. Similar to the YWCA's program in China, the purpose of these services was less to convert souls than to Americanize the
foreign-born and improve their working and living conditions. At a time
when social workers were not yet on the scene, the YWCA, along with
the Mission Homes, was an important resource for women in need. As
the following case shows, Chinese staff were sensitive to the needs of
their clients and effective in helping them resolve their problems. During the time that Florence Chinn Kwan was associate secretary of the
Chinese YWCA, from 192-1 to 192-3, she encountered a young woman
who had been forced into an arranged marriage. The husband had died
of tuberculosis early on in the marriage, and the mother-in-law was intolerable. The widow asked Florence to help her escape to the Presby terian Mission Home. "So, little by little, when she came to the YWCA
for English class, she'd bring her jewelry to me and I would keep it for
her. Then one day I took her to the home. She taught Chinese there,
became a Christian, and never remarried."130 Immigrant women also
came to the YWCA for help when they needed an interpreter or when
they felt unfairly treated at work.