War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race, Expanded Edition (21 page)

Another such agency was the organization that became known as the National Committee on Prison and Prison Labor, first organized in 1910 by the New York State Department of Labor to investigate the exploitation of convict-manufactured goods. Four years later, the body changed its name amid a “widening of its activities.” Judge Olson, the stalwart eugenic activist who also directed the Municipal Court of Chicago Psychopathic Laboratory, steered his colleagues on the prison committee to create similar municipal psychopathic labs to document hereditary criminality in their cities. The New York City Police Department did indeed establish a psychopathic laboratory for eugenic investigations, utilizing Eugenics Record Office field workers supplied by Mrs. Harriman. Davenport himself headed up the prison group’s special committee on eugenics, which was established “to get at the … heredity factors in anti-social behavior … with the aid of a careful family history.” Prisoners at Sing Sing were the first to be examined by Davenport’s researchers under a year-long joint project with the Eugenics Record Office.
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In 1916, New York’s Senate Commission to Investigate Provision for the Mentally Deficient held hearings and published a 628-page special report, including a 109-page bibliography of eugenic books and articles. The commission’s purview included imposed sterilization. Among its cited resources were eugenic county surveys in Westchester County supervised by Dr. Gertrude Hall, one of the eugenic experts in Mrs. Harriman’s circle and the director of the Bureau of Analysis and Investigation.
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Many officials were easily swayed by the stacks of scientific documentation eugenicists could amass. New York’s State Hospital Commission-comprised of a coterie of leading physicians-emerged from meetings with Davenport at the Eugenics Record Office in July of 1917 expressing a new determination to concentrate on the feebleminded-even though there was not yet a definition for feeblemindedness. After the meeting, the commission announced it would recommend that the state legislature allocate $10 to $20 million during the next decade to eugenically address the insane and feebleminded. The ERO pledged its assistance in the effort.
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New York State was hardly alone. Indiana’s legislature appropriated $10,000 for a Committee on Mental Defectives in 1917. Initial research was completed by ERO field workers Clara Pond (in Jasper, Wabash and Elkhart counties) and Edith Atwood (in Shelby, Vanderburgh and Warrick counties). A commission to investigate the feebleminded was empanelled in Utah. Arkansas did the same. One ERO field worker, Ethel Thayer, traveled some 10,000 miles during six months in 1917, interviewing 472 individuals to produce what the ERO termed “more or less complete histories of 84 [families].”
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There was no way for the public to know if a seemingly unrelated government agency was actively pursuing a eugenic agenda. The United States Department of Agriculture maintained an active role in America’s eugenics movement by virtue of its quasi-official domination of the American Breeders Association. Various Department of Agriculture officials either sponsored or officially encouraged eugenic research. Agricultural department meetings went beyond the bounds of simple agronomy; they often encompassed human breeding as well. On November 14, 1912, Professor C. L. Goodrich, at the Washington office of the Department of Agriculture, was asked by a colleague in the USDA’s Columbia, South Carolina, office whether two Negro siblings, both with six fingers on each hand, should be brought to an ABA meeting at the National Corn Exposition for eugenic evaluation. Professor Goodrich, who controlled the presentations of the ABA’s Eugenic Section, replied a few days later, “Have the children brought …. I will put you on the program for a paper before the Eugenics section….”
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On November 26, 1912, the USDA’s Office of Farm Management wrote to Davenport on official government letterhead suggesting that the ERO assign “a eugenic worker on the case and develop the facts in relation to the negro’s family by the time of the meeting of the Breeder’s Association in Columbia [South Carolina] in February.” Receptive to the idea, Davenport replied three days later, “Perhaps he can present one or more of the polydactyls to the eugenics section.”
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On January 3, 1913, Davenport wrote to George W. Knorr at the USDA in Washington asking, “If not too late, please add two titles to the eugenics program.” One of these would be Davenport’s own last-minute entry, “A Biologist’s View of the Southern Negro Problem.” Knorr wrote back asking for a lecturer on eugenic immigration issues. On January 8, Davenport referred Knorr to a Harvard eugenicist specializing in immigration, and reminded the department to make sure “the meeting of the eugenics section [was all arranged] at the Insane Asylum.” That same day, Davenport wrote his colleague at Harvard, asking him to contact the USDA to get on the program. On January 10, Davenport asked Knorr to approve yet another eugenics paper entitled “Heredity ofLeft-handedness.”
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Secretary of Agriculture James Wilson doubled as president of the ABA. At the group’s 1913 convention, he rallied the forces. In his presidential address, Wilson declared, “You have developed in your eugenics section a great experiment station and institution of research, with a splendid building called the Eugenics Record Office. … Your laboratory material is the heredity that runs through the veins of the good, bad, and indifferent families of our great country … assembling the genetic data of thousands of families … making records of the very souls of our people, of the very life essence of our racial blood…. Those families which have in them degenerate blood will have new reason for more slowly increasing their kind. Those families in whose veins runs the blood of royal efficiency, will have added reason for that pride which will induce them to multiply their kind.” Wilson also encouraged the ERO to seek even greater funding. “I observe that you are publicly asking for a foundation of half a million dollars,” he said. “Twenty times that sum, or ten millions, would come nearer the mark. “
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The speeches presented at obscure agricultural meetings in South Carolina, the eugenic surveys in small Indiana counties or by major New York State agencies, the eugenics courses taught in small colleges or in prestigious universities-none of this eugenic activity remained a local phenomenon. It quickly accumulated and became national news for a movement hungry for the smallest advance in its crusade. Therefore in January of 1916, the ERO launched a new publication,
Eugenical News,
which was edited by Laughlin and reported endless details of the movement’s vicissitudes. Approximately 1,000 copies of each issue were distributed to activists. From the most important research to the most obscure minutia, an eager audience of committed eugenic devotees would read about it in
Eugenical News.
Almost every administrative proposal, every legislative measure, every academic course, every speech and organizational development was reported in this publication.
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When field worker Clara Pond began her eugenic duties at the New York Police Department on January 15, 1917, it was reported in the February issue. When the ERO received records of 128 family charts from Morgan County, Indiana, it was reported. When the Village for Epileptics at Skillman, New Jersey, contributed 798 pages of data on its patients, it was reported. When Laughlin spoke before the Illinois Corn Growers Convention at the University of Illinois, it was reported. When Dr. Walter Swift of the Speech Disorder Clinic wrote on inherited speech problems in the
Review of Neurology and Psychiatry,
his article was reviewed in depth. When Yerkes paid a courtesy visit to the Eugenics Record Office in Cold Spring Harbor, it was reported. When Congress overrode President Wilson’s veto of an immigration bill, the vote tallies were reported. When the state of Delaware appropriated $10,000 for an institution for the feeble-minded, it was reported. When eugenic field worker Elizabeth Moore took up gardening at her home in North Anson, Maine, this too was reported.
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No legislative development was too small, nor was any locale too obscure for coverage. Indeed, the more obscure the eugenic development, the more enthusiastic the reportage seemed. The more significant the research or legislative effort, the more readers looked to
Eugenical News
for information and guidance. In effect,
Eugenical News
offered the movement organizational, scientific, legislative and theoretical cohesion.

Eventually, the eugenics movement and its supporters began to speak a common language that crept into the general mindset of many of America’s most influential thinkers. On January 3, 1913, former President Theodore Roosevelt wrote Davenport, “I agree with you … that society has no business to permit degenerates to reproduce their kind …. Some day, we will realize that the prime duty, the inescapable duty, of the good citizen of the right type, is to leave his or her blood behind him in the world; and that we have no business to permit the perpetuation of citizens of the wrong type.” Episcopalian Bishop John T. Dallas of Concord, New Hampshire, issued a public statement: “Eugenics is one of the very most important subjects that the present generation has to consider.” Episcopalian Bishop Thomas F. Gailor of Memphis, Tennessee, issued a similar statement: “The science of eugenics … by devising methods for the prevention of the propagation of the feebleminded, criminal and unfit members of the community, is … one of the most important and valuable contributions to civilization.” Dr. Ada Comstock, president of Radcliffe College, declared publicly, “Eugenics is ‘the greatest concern of the human race.’ The development of civilization depends upon it.” Dr. Albert Wiggam, an author and a leading member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, pronounced his belief: “Had Jesus been among us, he would have been president of the First Eugenic Congress.”
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While many of America’s elite exalted eugenics, the original Galtonian eugenicists in Britain were horrified by the sham science they saw thriving in the United States and taking root in their own country. In a merciless 1913 scientific paper written on behalf of the Galton Laboratory, British scientist David Heron publicly excoriated the American eugenics of Davenport, Laughlin, and the Eugenics Record Office. Using the harshest possible language, Heron warned against “certain recent American work which has been welcomed in this country as of first-class importance, but the teaching of which we hold to be fallacious and indeed actually dangerous to social welfare.” His accusations: “Careless presentation of data, inaccurate methods of analysis, irresponsible expression of conclusions, and rapid change of opinion.”
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Heron lamented further, “Those of us who have the highest hopes for the new science of Eugenics in the future are not a little alarmed by many of the recent contributions to the subject which threaten to place Eugenics … entirely outside the pale of true science …. When we find such teaching-based on the flimsiest of theories and on the most superficial of inquiries-proclaimed in the name of Eugenics, and spoken of as ‘entirely splendid work,’ we feel that it is not possible to use criticism too harsh, nor words too strong in repudiation of advice which, if accepted, must mean the death of Eugenics as a science.”
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Heron emphasized “that the material has been collected in a most unsatisfactory manner, that the data have been tabled in a most slipshod fashion, and that the Mendelian conclusions drawn have no justification whatever…. “ He went so far as to say the data had been deliberately skewed. As an example, he observed that “a family containing a large number of defectives is more likely to be recorded than a family containing a small number of defectives.”
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In sum, he called American eugenics rubbish.

Davenport exploded.

He marshaled all his academic and rhetorical resources and the propagandists of the ERO. Davenport and A. J. Rosanoff combined two defensive essays and a journal article denouncing Dr. Heron’s criticism into a lengthy ERO Bulletin. The bulletin, entitled
Reply to the Criticism of Recent American Work
by
Dr. Heron of the Galton Laboratory,
was circulated to hundreds of public administrators, eugenic theorists and others whose minds needed to be swayed, assuaged or buttressed.
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As keeper of the eugenic flame and defender of its faithful, Davenport correctly portrayed Dr. Heron’s assault to be against “my reputation [which] I regard as of infinitely less importance than the acquisition of truth; and if! resent these evil innuendoes it is not for myself at all, but only for the protection of the scientific interests which I am, for the time, custodian.” In a rambling, point-by-point confutation, Davenport belittled Heron’s attack as a vendetta by his Galtonian enemies in England. He explained away his faulty data as typographical. His rebuttal was rich with abstruse formulas in support of his subverted theses
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In Davenport’s mind, Mendel’s laws hovered as the sacred oracle of American eugenics, the rigid determiner of everything tall and short, bright and dim, right and wrong, strong and weak. All that existed in the chaotic pool of life was subservient to Mendel’s tenets as res pun by Davenport. Indeed, Davenport cherished those tenets as if chiseled by the finger of God. Come what may, Davenport declared he would never “deny the truth of Mendelism.” He defiantly proclaimed, “The principles of heredity are the same in man and hogs and sun-flowers.”
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But the attacks did not stop. True, eugenics had ascended to a scientific standard throughout the nation’s academic and intellectual circles, becoming almost enshrined in the leading medical journals and among the most progressive bureaucrats. The word itself had become a catchphrase of the intelligentsia. But soon the sweeping reality of the eugenics movement’s agenda started filtering down to the masses. Average people slowly began to understand that the ruling classes were planning a future America, indeed a future world, that would leave many of them behind. Sensational articles began to appear in the press.