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Authors: David W. McCullough

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This story, and divers other of the thrice noble and worthy conqueror,
that none his peer was in all Europe for the manliness and stalworthness with his own hand, I mean Sir John de Coursy, Earl of Ulster, was left out of the book written by Geraldus Cameranse [Gerald of Wales], Archdeacon of Landaffe in England, and yet he was sent by the King with his son John to Ireland for the declaration of the truth.

It fortuned that A’Hanlone [O’Hanlon] and those of Yryell, finding a ship at Torsse Head in Euryell full of victual and other things else coming to Sir John Course to the north was by tempest of weather driven within a creek or haven, which was devoured by them [O’Hanlon], and the mariners slain, and other of Sir John’s servants; the said Sir John, coming toward the Nuery [Newry] to revenge this shame, did understand that those Irishmen was gathered together with all their power to defend their cause … on the north side of Dondoygen. Sir John came, not thinking they were so many as they were indeed till they came within a mile and a half of the Irish camp, for then was the men of that quarters of the country all gathered at the same water side in camp.

Sir John called his brother Sir Amore, and Roger Pouer, and asked what was best to be done. Roger Pouer stood by, a valiant knight, and said, “Let us take fortune; the longer we do behold them, the worse our soldiers will think of them, for the sight of man is the marring and making of man, it giveth both courage and discourage to man.” “What?” said Sir Amorey; “We cannot be so hasty in setting on, their number of men is greater than we have been accustomed to meet in so great a plain with so few a number of men as we are, for in battle three things are requisite, first the quarrel, the second the number of soldiers, and the third the place. In speaking these words I would not discourage no valiant heart. First, it is to be understand that we be come of noble parentage, which cannot be denied, and we are upon our peril to crave, win, and look for that we want, and that is a living in our old age, and then to be quiet. For this we asked of our Prince, and this same hath given to us our winnings and conquest for the reward of our perilous and painful service, for it is our necessity we look to relieve.

“To the second part, we are far less in number than our enemies, wherefore it were very requisite that a closer ground were our best advantage, which at this time we lack. Therefore, if you follow my advice, let us send a beggar or friar to the camp, and not to go ahead without reason, and cause him to say that Sir Hue de Lassy is come yesterday to Trodathe, for we must use policy [trickery] where force doth want; and that also he shall say that he saw coming out of the West, about a two mile off, a number of horsemen and footmen, supposing to him it was Sir Hue de Lasy and his English soldiers that came by night from Trodathe.
And in the mean time we shall put our lackeys upon our bearing horses, with my son Nicholas and twenty good horsemen with him, that way that the friar shall say he saw that number of people, with a sign between him and me what he shall do; and I will with our horsemen ride toward them upon our chief horses, and I shall see by their moving and stirring what they mean to do. And if they shall turn their faces to us to fight, we shall without great losses return to Dondalke, for their footmen shall never overtake our footmen, and as for their horsemen we shall use them to their dishonour.”

The which sayings Sir John liked well, and so did all the rest, saving they feared his son Nicholas to be over willing to battle, “which might turn all this device to all our undoings,” smith they. “Well then,” said Sir Amore, “prepare your footmen in a readiness.” Sir John appointed Roger Pouer with certain in the rearward, and Sir John himself in the forebattle, as he that first should give the charge, and also if they were enforced to give back, that he would himself be in the rearward, for it was most danger, which was his only desire in all fight.

Sir John mustered his men upon a hill, as large and far off as with honesty he might, so that his enemies did not perceive his policy. The Irish, after they heard the friar’s tale, and saw as they thought the number of horsemen coming out of the West, and saw the horsemen coming with Sir Amorey very nigh at hand, then said they plainly that the friar’s tale was true, and that Sir Amorey would not be so bold in coming so nigh, but for that there was more succour at hand than Sir John Coursey’s own men.

In the mean time there went a bold horsemen of A’Hanlon’s to view and scout over-see the English horsemen, whose name was Dermot Karraghe; then being also afore Sir Amore, a bow shot, a base son of Sir Amorey’s, called the Bastard Berefott, and encountered with that Irish horseman, and overthrew him, for he struck him through; at which time seeing now O’Hanlon said it was but the first token of their evil fortune; “therefore,” smith he, “let us go over the water, for the sea is coming in apace, and once we be beyond this river we are safe, and may go where we will, for none can come at us.”

Sir Amorey, seeing them going over the river, nigh half-endell of them, made signs to Sir John Coursey and to Nicholas his son to come on apace, and so incontinent did give the charge upon them, and by reason the water divided the Irish host or army a-two, and the further half, being beyond the water, could not come to succour their fellows being on the other side, they were slain and drowned nigh all.

After that done, Sir John and his men followed the rest through a ford that the friar learned them, and Sir Amorey with the horsemen did overtake the Irish footmen at the great water be-south the Lorgone [Larne] a
mile, and skirmished with them a while till Sir John Coursey with the footmen did overtake them. The sea water came so speedily in that there they could not pass over, and also they were disturbed by the horsemen that run before, that very necessity constrained the Irish to fight, being then above the number of six thousand, and Sir John Coursey not then fully the number of one thousand.

The gentlemen and captains of the Irish, seeing that, did gather them in one place together which gave the charge upon Roger Pouer, then being in the woward, and did with very force constrain him and his to retire to Sir John and his band. The fight was so great, fought of necessity by the Irish, that Sir John was left alone amongst his enemies like a lion among a herd of sheep, for his men gave back. With that, young Nicholas came to his father Sir Amorey, riding apace, he then chasing the Irish horsemen, which then was broken upon, told that their footmen would not stand, and Sir John was left, and all was like to be lost. With that he came to the footmen, crying on them, and willed them to return, and that they should have good help. They promised that they would, so that he had lighted afoot amongst them; for Sir John then they missed.

With that Sir Amorey called his son Nicholas, and spake these words: “My dear son, take the charge of these good horsemen, and do with them this day, for it shall then sound thy honour.” And with that Sir Amorey light in the forefront of the footmen, and drew his sword, and thrust his horse through, and bade the footmen come on stoutly, and so did, with such a cry and force that they constrained the Irish to give back. At which first charge all the captains and gentlemen were slain of the Irish together in one heap, as sheaves of corn laid upon a ridge. After that they fled every man.

Who that had seen Sir John that day, being not in fear nor danger, might say he was [another Hercules]. He fought that day with a two-hand sword more like a lion than a lamb; his blows were so weighty and so to be wondered at that very strange it was to behold, for there was never blow he strack but slew a man or two, for no harness could bear out his force. For similitude he was like a mower in a field of thistles, for God gave him in this battle force, victory, and good fortune. And after this Sir John returned to Ullestere again, where as he made many castles and strong houses.

VII.
THE
SCOTS

INTRODUCTION

I
N APRIL
1315,
EDWARD BRUCE
, younger brother of Robert Bruce, king of the Scots, landed at Larne in Ulster and soon after declared himself king of Ireland. It had been a year since the Bruces had soundly defeated the English at Bannockburn in Scotland. Several reasons have been given for the Irish adventure. One is that it was simply a diversionary tactic to keep England from trying to regain its hold on Scotland. The other is that it was the next step of a planned Celtic revolt in the British Isles, with Wales to follow.

Bruce had some Irish allies, the most important being Donal O’Neill (Donnall Ua Neill), who sent to Pope John XXII his “Remonstrance of the Irish Princes” defending his alliance with Edward (“sprung from our noblest ancestors”), and asking for the pope’s blessing. O’Neill wrote, “In order to shake off the harsh and insupportable yoke of servitude to them [the English] and to recover our native freedom, which for the time being we have lost through them, we are compelled to enter a deadly war.”

At first Edward had nothing but success, defeating the English and their Irish allies at Dundalk, Connor, Trim (where he gained the support of de Lacys), then skirting around Dublin to the west and back again. His brother Robert joined him for a while, but they never did try to take Dublin, although the Dubliners were so afraid of their arrival that they themselves burned down the suburbs outside the city walls to keep them from sheltering the Scots.

But the Irish as a whole never shared the opinion of Donal O’Neill and joined forces with Edward. The destruction of the countryside was widespread, and in
The Annals of Clonmacnoise
both sides are described in almost the same words. The English “spared neither spirituall nor Temporall land in every place they wen,” while the Scots marched on “spoyling and Destroying all places where they came. Not sparing church or chapel, in so much as they did not leave neither field of corn undestroyed nor towne unransacked.”

Edward was killed at the Battle of Faughart, north of Dublin, in 1318. The Scottish invasion was over, although not all the Scots returned home. By then, the famine that had been ravaging Europe had reached Ireland. With all the early talk of freedom, one of the annalists summed up the years of the invasion by writing: “Theft, famine and the destruction of men occurred throughout Ireland for the space of three years and a half, and people used actually to eat one another throughout Ireland.”

Robert Bruce encouraging his troops before the Battle of Bannockburn (June 23, 1314). Edward II was routed in this battle. Courtesy Corbis/Bettmann.

EDWARD BRUCE INVADES IRELAND
BY JOHN BARBOUR

John Barbour (c. 1316-95), archdeacon of Aberdeen, wrote the epic poem
The Bruce
around 1375. Its high point is an account of Robert Bruce’s defeat of the English at the Battle of Bannockburn (1314), with a section beginning “A! Fredome [Freedom] is a noble thing!” that has long been a favorite of Scottish nationalists. The 13,645-line poem also contains a lengthy detour to Ireland to follow Edward Bruce’s adventures as invader and self-styled king. It’s far from an uncritical portrait—he is even blamed for endangering his brother’s life when Robert comes to Ireland to help out. The Reverend Barbour is also distrustful of the Irish. Even Bruce’s allies are presented as treacherous and unreliable.

Barbour, however, clearly enjoyed tactical trickery, and his Scots are adept in the use of disguises and ruses that fool the enemy. Using historical sources, he is at times accurate (the Battle of Connor in Antrim, for instance), and at times fanciful (Robert Bruce’s journey to Limerick, oddly described as the southernmost city in Ireland). And he is aware of the unorthodox Irish fighting style. One of Edward’s allies says, “Our tactics are [those] of this land, to follow and to fight while fleeing, and not to stand in open encounter until one side is defeated.” Another example of complex interconnections of families in Ireland is that Richard de Burgh, earl of Ulster, whom Edward defeated at Connor, was Robert Bruce’s father-in-law.

For a sense of the style and Scottish dialect of
The Bruce,
compare these opening lines of Edward’s arrival in Ireland with the prose translation that follows.

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