Witness to the German Revolution (36 page)

No, that wasn't the mistake, or if it was a mistake, it was certainly not the fundamental one. Did the fault lie in not acting in spite of everything? That is the thesis of certain comrades from the left of the party. I don't think they are correct. Alone in the face of all the forces of bourgeois society—Reichswehr, police, black Reichswehr, fascists, civil servants, servile social democrats, more than a million reactionaries with better weapons—the Communists could not count on any serious chance of lasting success.

We should take into consideration the party's technical inadequacy. “This technical inadequacy,” it is said, “became apparent only at the last moment.” Indeed, and that is what is serious. Here we have found the weak point. That indicates defective intelligence, presumptuousness and lack of foresight, at least as far as concrete preparations were concerned. But let's try to be fair. Never, whatever its state of organization, will a revolutionary workers' party before the insurrection be, not better armed, but even as well armed as a modern army. In any circumstances, we must expect a substantial
technical inadequacy. Arms could have been taken from the enemy. If the mass movement had developed in the desired proportions, the inadequacy would have been remedied by emptying the arsenals of the Reichswehr…

On the eve of the October Revolution, Lenin recalled the elementary rules of revolutionary strategy, already formulated by Karl Marx. One of the most important of these is: “Concentrate a
great superiority of forces
at the decisive point and at the decisive moment.”
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The extreme decentralization of Germany, as well as its geographical position, make the application of this rule very difficult—hence a certain loss of confidence in everyday action. That must be taken into consideration.

The October retreat seems to me to have been perfectly justified. Nonetheless it is true that in social war, as in all warfare, the defeated leaders—whatever their talents—are usually removed. A new majority has been formed on the central committee of the KPD which has, in “Theses on the October retreat and the present tasks of the KPD” (
Correspondance internationale,
January 3, 1924), specified in severe terms its opinions on the errors of the Party:

We must insist on one point: a workers' combat party, at a turning point such as the one Germany is going through, is obliged to be very harsh with itself. From these detailed paragraphs set out like a legal verdict I think we should pick out in particular the following points:

The revolutionary situation developed more rapidly than the party. Despite its revolutionary experience, richer than any except the Russian proletariat, the KPD was not able to adapt to a collapse of German capitalism so severe that within six months it found itself on the threshold of revolution. Overall, it will be seen that these criticisms apply to the general tactics of the party much more than to its attitude at the very moment of the German retreat.

In Chapter III of the same theses it is said that “retreat without fighting was a mistake” because it disoriented, and somewhat demoralized, the most combative of the German proletariat. The mistake of “retreat without fighting” extends over the whole period of struggle that goes from the fall of the Cuno cabinet to the
Chemnitz conference. The mistake of the German revolutionaries was to lack initiative, to fail to continually harass the enemy, to fail to resist the enemy at every step with the maximum of energy, but rather to bide their time for a great final offensive, conceived in a rather abstract fashion… Such, at least, is the judgment suggested by the most qualified among us.

The objective revolutionary situation has ripened much more rapidly than the class consciousness of the majority of the German proletariat. The organized elite of this proletariat—the KPD—was not at first able to adapt itself to the increased speed of events, and subsequently, carried away by its faith and enthusiasm, did not have a clear awareness of the enormous weight of the social democratic mass which had to be shaken… For my part I shall offer only these conclusions.

It is nonetheless true that over a period of six weeks to two months, the KPD has made an extraordinary effort. Not a single one of its three to four hundred thousand members remained inactive. There was not a town in the land where they did not prepare for battle with the conscientious concern of people determined to give everything for their cause. Not a day without bitter toil, not a night without its special task. No problem was neglected. I know comrades who for weeks on end did not have a full night's sleep. I have seen faces furrowed with overwork. The stubborn eyes never lost their burning intensity. It was magnificent. In what country (apart from Russia) has anything similar been done? We are not afraid to assert that the German Communist Party
has given the world proletariat the new and precious example of the awesome process of preparing for a revolution.

That also of the greatest devotion of proletarians to their class. Each time it was necessary, in Saxony, Thuringia, the Rhineland,
Westphalia, Hamburg, to mobilize the workers' hundreds for action, everyone was at their post. Nobody deserted or hesitated. There was absolute unanimity in the voluntary accomplishment of duty. Now each of the workers called to service by his hundred always knew that he was risking his liberty, his life, the last piece of bread of his family. If the signal had been given, the whole KPD would have marched as one person, despite the objective opinions of some individuals as to the probable outcome of the struggle, despite internal disagreements, despite the inadequacy of arms—despite everything.

This party has been dissolved.
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Its 40 daily papers have been suppressed. Its leading committee is on the run. Its assets have been seized. Ebert's police are offering up to fifteen thousand gold marks for the capture of some of its activists. Some of its arms have been seized. Some of its men have been killed. How many of its comrades are in prison? They can be counted in thousands. But nevertheless…

All the branches of this party are alive and active. The circulation of its illegal press is growing week by week. On several occasions it has put tens of thousands of demonstrators onto the prosperous thoroughfares of Berlin. It has kept its arms and that is no secret. It continues its preparation. It has huge broad-ranging departments (prisoners' aid, ambulances, liaison, research), training schools, a complex and flexible network of organization against which the military dictatorship has shown itself to be powerless. Is this a defeated party?

The October retreat was not a defeat.
The rulers of Germany know this better than anyone. They do not enjoy the security of true victors. And that is what preserves, in Germany, a last remnant of the Republic…

The threshold has not been crossed. We have even taken a step back. But we are still at the threshold.

The situation in Germany remains profoundly revolutionary. While the military dictatorship gives the upper bourgeoisie some significant strategic advantages, it offers merely possibilities of salvation. In a very few days everything may be called into question again for the German bourgeoisie. The unity of the Reich is a political myth. Neither the Rhine, nor the Ruhr, nor Bavaria, accept the authority of the central government, to which the working-class centers show scarcely greater respect.. Parliamentarism, democratic institutions, constitution, citizens' rights are pure fictions which no longer deceive anyone. The financial situation has never been so serious as today. The gold loan and the credits in Rentenmarks granted to the Reich have been exhausted. State employees, reduced to real starvation pay, can be paid each fortnight only thanks to the invention of new expedients. In December, the cost of living, despite the stabilization of exchange rates and wages, showed a rise of at least 25 to 30 percent. The dilemma facing the state is now whether to resort immediately to a new inflation of vast proportions or to stop making payments of all kinds. No rapid tax collection can get it out of this situation, since no tax can produce sufficient sums. The country people fear that the Rentenmark will fall in value, and since they are still obliged by law to accept paper marks, they are raising their prices, and restricting the sale of foodstuffs. The winter months will very probably not go by without bringing further grave crises of food supplies for the towns, and in their wake food riots, looting and the massacre of the hungry. The aim of heavy industry is at all costs to impose on the country a resumption of intensive production, at the expense of the workers alone. That's their road to salvation. But the German plants are old and worn out, except in the Rhineland regions, where the great plutocrats have intelligently
maintained them; but these are regions lost to the Reich, for that very reason (Stinnes, Vögler, Wolff, Klöckner and Krupp are concerned not to have in tow behind them a national industry which is in a very bad way; they would rather plunder it). Everywhere, even in the Rhineland, the labor force is worn out by years of hunger, overwork and acrimony. Finally, German production has become strictly dependent on the international situation; for all the great industrial powers of Europe, its revival would mean the reappearance of a competitor. It will scarcely get any help. In these circumstances, will not the tycoons of industry try to continue a policy which is in some senses feudal, merely enriching their own firms from the general ruin? The endless poverty of the working masses is well-known, the extent of unemployment too (one million, five hundred thousand unemployed, two and a half million on short time). Now proletarianization is attacking new layers of the middle classes, state employees who until now were the most reliable supporters of the social order. The problem of unemployment is insoluble: the state cannot, in the immediate future, either feed the unemployed or promise them work. The states, towns and districts are bankrupt. Fascism in the strict sense, a movement of the impoverished middle classes, armed and utilized by the big employers, is in decline, eroded by disappointment. The disintegration of the democratic parties is continuing. It would be a very big mistake to imagine that the SPD will emerge strengthened from the November crisis. It is obvious that at the next Reichstag elections, it will lose—to the advantage of the Communists—a large part of its vote.
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Whole regions are slipping away from its influence. Dittmann recently noted
in Vorwärts “that a handful of young Bolshevik journalists are setting the fashion for Saxon social democrats.” The party's unity, and its power, are myths, like the unity and the power of the Reich. The ADGB, the big reformist trade union organization, can no longer pay its full-timers and sees its membership melting away before its eyes. The SPD itself is living on the generosity of the British Labour Party. It scarcely any longer represents an active political factor: it is still significant as an inert mass. Its power lies solely in inaction, and it can no longer either require respect from the bourgeoisie or block the progress of communism.

This internal situation in Germany, a revolutionary one, will necessarily last for at least a few months. With the support of foreign capitalism, by means of a clever and cruel class dictatorship, and by agreeing to pay a major part of the expenses itself, the German bourgeoisie may in the end succeed in consolidating its positions. Our comrade E. Pavlovsky,
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an experienced observer of economic affairs, admits this is true. For the moment the hostile classes remain confronting each other. On their level of consciousness, their will, their intelligence, still depends the outcome of the struggle in which social democratic inertia gives the victory to the reactionaries in October and November.