Ancient Chinese Warfare (78 page)

113
HJ6452, assuming it doesn’t belong to the subsequent year. (See also HJ6541 per Fan Yü-chou; Lin Hsiao-an, 226; and
Hou-hsia
37.6.)

114
HJ6409, per Fan Yü-chou. (Lin Hsiao-an, 264, dates this inscription to the succeeding year.)

115
HJ6420, per Fan Yü-chou. See also HJ6417a, HJ6087, and Wang Yü-hsin’s account, 1991, 146-147. (Lin Hsiao-an notes HJ6354 indicates the king mounted an attack in the fourth month, but there is no mention of Chih Kuo.)

116
HJ6385a.

117
HJ6412, HJ6417. (However, Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 149, attributes HJ6412 to the first part of Wu Ting’s reign.) See also HJ6087, HJ6416.

118
HJ6414.

119
Lin
2.7.9 per Lin Hsiao-an.

120
HJ6439 per Fan Yü-chou.

121
HJ6057. Note that his report uses the term
cheng
, translated as “punitive attack,” even though it supposedly never was employed to refer to attacks mounted by “barbarians,” only the Shang (and later states) going forth to punitively attack or “rectify” offenders. (Additional counterexamples, such as HJ20440 and HJ20441, are easily found.)

122
HJ6057a. See also HJ6354 for a similar report. According to the
Yin-li P’u
, this was in Wu Ting’s twenty-ninth year.

123
Hou-shang
31.6, per Lin Hsiao-an.

124
HJ6057.

125
HJ6087.

126
HJ6454;
Hou-hsia
37.6. See also Lin Hsiao-an, 266.

127
Hu Hou-hsüan, HCCHS 1991:2, 19.

128
According to Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 350.

129
According to Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 209, based on
Kuei
2.15.18.

130
See
Ch’ien-pien
, 4.46.4, for reports of Ma-fang activities; also
Ping-pien
114 (first month),
Ching
1681,
Yi
5408, and HJ6664 (eleventh month) for whether they will receive blessings. (Relevant inscriptions are noted by Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 165; Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 283-284; and Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 492.)

131
Respectively
Ping-pien
301 and
Chia
1, per Ch’en Meng-chia.

132
For inscriptions see Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 489, and Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 210-212.

133
Artifacts suggesting that the Shang conducted campaigns against Pa or Shu have also been found in P’eng-chu-hsien in Sichuan. (Ch’en Hsü, 2000, 242-243.) After the Chou conquest of the Shang, Pa groups apparently came up the Han River and were enfeoffed with the state of Yü in Shaanxi as a reward for participating in the coalition action against the Shang. (See Pao-chi-shih Yen-chiu-hui, WW 2007:8, 28-47.)

134
HJ6461,
Nei-pien
267.

135
HJ6468 (as sometimes interpreted).

136
HJ6473;
Nei-pien
25, 26, 32, 34;
Yi
3787.

137
Nei-pien
313.

138
Nei-pien
159 and 311.

139
HJ8411.

140
Yi
2213;
Yi
8171.

1
Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 227. However, see Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 270-272.

2
Convenient summaries of key inscriptions and discussions of their unfolding relationship are found in Ch’en Meng-chia, 270-272; Fan Yü-chou, 226-228; Lin Hsiao-an, 234-235; and Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 168-170. A brief account will also be found in Luo Kun’s
Hsia Shang Hsi-Chou Chün-shih Shih
, 180-181.

3
Attested by HJ6773, HJ6783, HJ6788, and HJ6790.

4
See, for example,
Yi
2287 and
Yi
2347 (inquiring about the fate of the Shang army under the
li
, later known as “lictors”).

5
Chia
3066.

6
HJ6689 through HJ6696 and HJ6724.

7
Hsü
6.9.6 (pummel the Chien).

8
Hsü
5.8.1,
Ching
3,
Ching
5.

9
HJ6783, HJ6786, HJ6788, and HJ6790.

10
HJ6759, HJ6761. (Somewhat inexplicably, the
Hsia Shang Hsi-Chou Chün-shih Shih
compilers, 181, take the character
yü
, normally understood as “to mount a defense” or “defend against,” as indicating some sort of mop-up effort subsequent to victory.)

11
HJ6754,
Hsü
5.28.2, Hsü 6.21.11,
Yi
2287,
Yi
7764.

12
HJ6702,
Ch’ien
6.3.54, HJ6704a, all dating to the same year, according to Fan Yü-chou (1991, 227). (Many other strips [HJ6689-HJ6724], some dating to the fourth month, also speak about great Fang uprisings.)

13
HJ6782, HJ6466, and HJ6781 respectively. (See also HJ6778 and HJ6784.)

14
HJ6737, HJ6733, and others.

15
Hsi
386.

16
Or at least was in danger of it. (HJ6771a,
Yi
2287,
Yi
7764.)

17
HJ6754.

18
Chia
243 records the king ordering K’eng to pursue the Fang, implying they had been vanquished and were in retreat.

19
HJ6768, HJ6769.

20
Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 273-274.

21
See, for example, Lin Hsiao-an’s citations, 273-275, as well as those in Ch’en Meng-chia, 273. Relevant inscriptions include HJ6057, HJ6063, HJ6069, HJ6079, HJ6178, HJ6347, and HJ6359.

22
For example, HJ6057.

23
Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 160, citing HJ6087a. (See also Wang, 147.)

24
For example, see HJ6354a, HJ6209, HJ6404a, as well as the inscriptions cited by P’eng Yü-shang, 140-142, who emphasizes the king’s active role. Alone among historians, P’eng (153) ascribes the conflict to Wu Ting’s middle period. The absence of any reference to Fu Hao, except to call upon her for protection, suggests she had already died, and Wang Yü-hsin (148) employs her demise, as attested by sacrifices being offered to her, as one of his defining chronological points (though he also seems to simultaneously hold a slightly contradictory view [163]). Lin Hsiao-an (273) concurs that she was deceased and had become the recipient of prayers for the campaign’s success.

25
As Lin Hsiao-an notes, 265.

26
In addition to the selected oracle references provided for each commander in the list that follows, see Ch’en Meng-chia, 273-274.

27
See HJ6344 and HJ8991.

28
See HJ6297, HJ6299, and HJ24145.

29
HJ6083. (Wang apparently was not involved in the final stages of the conflict [Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 162].)

30
HJ6135, HJ6161. (Chih Kuo seems to have concentrated on the T’u-fang.)

31
Kuei
2.8.12.

32
HJ6178,
Yi
51 (further confirming the formidable nature of the Kung threat).

33
HJ6376.

34
HJ6371.

35
HJ6196.

36
HJ6209.

37
HJ6072.

38
HJ5785, HJ6209, HJ6272, HJ6335, and
Ch’ien
6.58.4. See also Lin Hsiao-an, 276-277.

39
Ch’ien
4.31.3.

40
See Fan Yü-chou, 221-222.

41
Both Tung Tso-pin and Fan Yü-Chou (who essentially rejects Tung’s reconstruction) have offered chronologies. (See Fan Yü-chou, 217-224; his criticism of Tung, not unlike that raised by Ch’en Meng-chia, appears on 214. [Tung charts a 4.5-year campaign stretching from the seventh month of Wu Ting’s twenty-eighth year through the twelfth month of his thirty-second year.]) For further discussion of the Kung campaign, see Lin Hsiao-an, 264-265 and 272-279; Wang Yü-hsin, 146-148 and 160-164; and P’eng Yü-sheng, 138. (P’eng also provides an interesting campaign route for the king’s final effort on 198-199.)

42
HJ6063a.

43
Ch’ien
5.13.5.

44
Ching
1229, HJ6112.

45
HJ6057, HJ6060. (See also HJ6354.) Numerous scapulae record both T’u-fang and Kung-fang aggressiveness together with actions being undertaken or contemplated against them. Their physical presence on a single prognosticatory medium, whether scapula or plastron, is of course evidence that they occurred concurrently or within a few days. See, for example, HJ6087.

46
HJ6057a.

47
See Fan Yü-chou, 222, and
Hsia Shang Hsi Chou Chün-shih Shih
, 181-182.

48
See Fan Yü-chou, 219, for numerous references.

49
See Fan Yü-chou, 219-220. (Other, undated inscriptions show the king seeking spiritual aid through sacrifices and prayer, while HJ6347 suggests that these efforts began as early as the seventh month.)

50
HJ6732. Note that HJ6371 queries whether the Kung would destroy Yüeh in the tenth month.

51
Chin
522, but see HJ6063a for a report of a Kung incursion.

52
See Fan Yü-chou, 221; HJ6316; and HJ6317.

53
Chin
525,
Ch’ien
6.30.12.

54
HJ6292. Although undated, HJ24145 indicates that Ch’in was on the verge of destroying them.

55
Lu
637.

56
For a basic discussion of the Kuei-fang and their location, see Ch’en Meng-chia, 274-275, and Wang Kuo-wei, “Kuei-fang, K’un-yi, Hsien-yün K’ao.” Chao Ch’eng, 2000, 4, believes they inhabited middle Shanxi and western Shanxi.

57
The former is the third line of the sixty-third hexagram entitled “Already Completed” (in the sense of “having passed over,” as in fording a river), and the latter the fourth line of the sixty-fourth and last hexagram, “Not Yet Completed.”

58
Luo K’un, 1983, 82-87. (
Yi
865 provides evidence the Kuei were employed against the Ch’iang.) Luo (90-97) successfully deflects any suggestions that some of the strips show the Kuei in an aggressive role. (Ch’en Meng-chia also provides several relevant strips, 1988, 274.)

59
Luo K’un, 85-86.

60
For example, see Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 224, following Li Hsüeh-ch’in.

61
This is essentially Tung Tso-pin’s conclusion (“Lun Kung-fang chi Kuei-fang,”
Yin-li P’u
, 9:39a-40b). Note that the Kuei are also called the “Chiu Hou” in the
Shih Chi
and other texts.

62
Wang Kuo-wei’s “Kuei-fang, K’un-yi, Hsien-yün K’ao” briefly discusses how names and terms vary over time, being their own nominatives and also having Chinese appendages, so that one tribe can come to be referred to by different names. (See also Luo K’un, 1983, 102ff.; Hsü Chung-shu, BIHP 7:2 [1936], 138; and E. G. Pulleyblank, “The Chinese and Their Neighbors.”)

63
Luo K’un, 1983, 87ff.

64
Luo K’un, 1983, 99-101.

65
Hsü Chung-shu, BIHP 7:2 (1936), 138.

66
Hsü Chung-shu, 139-140. Hsü notes this clash cannot date to King Wen’s time because the Chou had already become too formidable to fear the Kuei. (Hsü’s account, dating from the early days of oracle bone studies, never mentions any inscriptions or identifies the Kuei-fang with the Kung.)

67
Luo K’un, 1983, 99-103, citing Hsü’s earlier article, also bases his analysis on the premise that two different events are being discussed.

68
For the full explanation with Wang Pi’s underlying interpretation, see Luo K’un, 100ff.

69
Luo K’un, 100, also correctly points out that “three” and “nine” function as indefinitely large numbers in ancient Chinese thought; therefore, the actual conflict may not have raged for as long as three years. (However, he fails to note that three and nine are also poignant numbers in
Yi Ching
contemplations, heavily weighted with dynamic implications and metaphysical connotations.)

70
“And then went on to Ching” is sometimes, but incorrectly, read in conjunction with this line. (Hsü, BIHP 7:2 [1936]: 139, sees the latter part as additional grounds for doubting the text’s authenticity.)

71
Luo K’un, 1983, 99; Hsü Chung-shu, 139. (Luo points out that the early commentators realized that the term “Kuei-fang” simply referred to peoples populating “distant quarters.”) Note that Tung Tso-pin dates the Kung-fang conflict to Wu Ting’s twenty-ninth year.

72
For example, Chang Ping-ch’üan classifies the Chou among those on good terms with the Shang during the first two periods at Anyang (encompassing the reigns of Wu Ting and his immediate successors), as well as the fourth period of Wu Yi and Wen Ting, but also notes animosity between them in this same fourth period to which, rather than Wu Ting’s era, he ascribes the conflict discussed in the text immediately below. (See Chang, 350, 496, and 512.) Hu Hou-hsüan,
Chia-ku T’an-shih-lu
, 366, similarly sees significant conflict in the fourth period, whereas Chung Po-sheng, 1991, 95-156, views their relations as interactions between the two poles of a duality.

73
Chang Ping-ch’üan, 432-433. (Inscriptions referring to a Fu Chou include
Yi-pien
8894 and HJ22264.)

74
See Ts’ao Ting-yün and Liu Yi-man, KK 2005:9, 60-63, who stress that these inscriptions date to the period when Chou was still at Pin, explaining the unusual reference to “Chung Chou.”

75
Ten shells are noted on
Yi-pien
5452, another shell on
Ping-pien
274.5. Yang K’uan, 1999, 36-37, views the forwarding of women as a deliberate effort at subversion, but the choice was probably less insidious even though there apparently were historical antecedents.