Blood Cries Afar (53 page)

135
   
The Paston Letters
, ed. J. Gairdner, London, 1872, i, 260–261, no. 191. For some examples of the fate of garrison captains who capitulated too precipitously, see Maurice Keen,
The Laws of War in the Later Middle Ages
, London, 1965, 124–126, and McGlynn,
By Sword and Fire
, 150.

136
   Cf. Odo de Dueil’s
De Profectione de Ludovici VII I Orientum
, New York, 1948, ed. Virginia Berry, 40, when, during the Second Crusade, the Greeks kept the French out of their cities for fear of food riots.

137
   Norgate makes this suggestion (
Angevin Kings
, 418). The only other reference that I have found alluding to this possibility is in Lloyd,
John
, 140); but he is clearly following Norgate. The French sources are quiet on this idea. Wade suggests that Philip acted out of fears of papal condemnation; unlikely given the imperatives of war (’Armies and Warfare’, 150, n. 94).

138
   Wendover, ii, 311–313.

139
   RW, ii, 319.

140
   Ambroise,
The Crusade of Richard Lionheart by Ambroise
, ed. and trans. M. J. Hubert and J.L. La Monte, New York, 1976 (reprint), ll. 3625–60.

141
   Robert of Auxerre, 253.

142
   Norgate believes that the lower-level was, in fact, a storehouse (
Angevin Kings
, ii, 421; Warner believes the outlet of the latrine (
forica
) was used (
Sieges
, 132). During the Battle of Verdun in 1916, a small Germany party, led by Sergreant Künst (playing the Bogis part), slipped through a small aperture in the renowned and formidable Fort Douamont to take it with ease. ‘Its reconquest cost the lives of 100,000 French troops’: Alistair Horne, ‘Letter From Verdun’,
Prospect
, August/September 1999, 45.

143
   AB, 102–3.

144
   RW, ii, 8. Norgate dismisses Wendover’s account as ‘not worthy of consideration’ (
Angevin Kings
, ii, 423, n. 1). Wade raises the relevant issue that ‘Wendover assumes that there were still horses left, after a blockade of several months’ (’Armies and Warfare’, 155, n. 102).

145
   Painter,
John
, 40.

146
   Powicke,
Normandy
, 254.

147
   For what follows see Coggeshell, 144–6; RW, ii, 8; AB, 97–9; WB, i, 220–1, Rigord (WB), i, 160–1 and WB ii, 210–17.

148
   RW, i, 319; ii, 8. See also Sean McGlynn, ‘Philip Augustus’,
Medieval Life
, 1 (4), 23–5.

149
   Nicholas Vincent, ‘Introduction: The Record of 1204’, in Vincent (ed),
Records, Administration and Aristocratic Society
, xiii; David Carpenter,
The Struggle for Mastery
, 270. The following offer analysis of the implications of the duchy’s loss: Clanchy,
England and its Rulers
, 181–2; Robert Stacey,
Politics, Policy and Finance under Henry III
, 1216–45, Oxford, 1987, 160–3; J.C Holt, ‘The Loss of Normandy and Royal Finance’, in J. Gillingham and J. C. Holt
War and Government in the Middle Ages
, Woodbridge, 1984; Gillingham,
Richard Couer de Lion
, 71; Poole, 431–2; Robin Frame,
The Political Development of the British Isles, 1100–1400
, Oxford, 1990, 44–5; Hugh M. Thomas,
The English and the Normans: Ethnic Hostility, Assimilation, and Identity, 1066–.c.1220
, Oxford, 2003, 332–5.

150
   Despite Winston Churchill’s opinion that the loss benefitted England. See ch. 1, n.38.

151
   For the Treaty of Paris, see: Le Patourel,
Feudal Empires
, IV,453; Gillingham,
Angevin Empire
, 115; F.M. Powicke,
King Henry III and the Lord Edward
, 2 vols., Oxford, 1947, i, 253–71; idem,
The Thirteenth Century
, Oxford, 2nd edn, 1962, 84, 122–8; Jacques le Goff,
Saint Louis
, Paris, 1996, 257–64; Hallam,
Capetian France
, 219–20, 266–7; Bjorn Weiler,
Henry III of England and the Staufen Empire, 1216–1272,
Woodbridge, 2006, 166–7; Michael Prestwich,
Plantagenet England 1225–1360
, Oxford, 2005, 296–8. Powicke and Gillingham argue that the terms were generous for Henry.

152
   This age-old antagonism is entertainingly surveyed in Robert Gibson,
Best of Enemies: Anglo-French Relations Since the Norman Conquest
, 1995. See also Vale,
The Ancient Enemy
.

153
   Frank Barlow,
The Feudal Kingdom of England, 1042
–
1216
, 4th edn, Harlow, 1988, 195. For Anglo-Imperial relations see: idem, 359–60, 411–14; A.L. Poole, ‘Richard the First’s Alliances with the German Princes in 1194’, in R. W. Hunt, W.A. Pantin and R.W. Southern (eds),
Studies in Medieval History Presented to F.M. Powicke
, Oxford, 1948; idem,
Domesday Book to Magna Carta
, 326–8, 376–7, 449–52; Benjamin Arnold, ‘Germany and England, 1066–1453’, in Nigel Saul (ed),
England in Europe, 1066–1453
, 1994; idem, ‘England and Germany’, in Michael Jones and Malcolm Vale (eds),
England and Her Neighbours, 1066
–
1453
, 1989; Bartlett,
England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings
, 103–6; Weiler,
Henry III of England
; Holzapfel,
Papst Innocent III
(which takes little account of the following book); Jens Ahlers,
Die Welfen und Die Englische Könige 1165
–
1235
, Hildesheim, 1987 (my thanks to John Gillingham for bringing this book to my attention); Nichola Fryde, ‘King John and the Empire’, in Church,
King John
; Cuttino,
English Medieval Diplomacy
, 38–53; J. Huffman,
The Social Politics of Medieval Diplomacy: Anglo-German Relations, 1066–1307
, Michigan, 2000. For Frederick II, see:
Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor
, Harmondsworth, 1988; W. Stürner,
Friedrich II: Die Königsherrscahft im Sizilien und Deutschland, 1194–1210
, Band I, Darmstadt, 1992.

154
   Arnold, ‘England and Germany, 1066–1453’, 80, where Arnold also notes ‘Not all Englishmen approved of the German emperor’s pretensions to this type of world dominion’. Further adverse reaction is noted in Bartlett,
England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings
, 105 and, in similar vein to John of Salisbury, in Bjorn Weiler,
Kingship, Rebellion and Political Culture: England and Germany,c.1215–c.1250
, Basingstoke, 2007, 174.

155
   Poole,
Domesday Book to Magna Carta
, 326. For Henry the Lion: K. Jordan,
Henry the Lion
, trans. P.S. Falla, Oxford, 1986.

156
   Poole, ‘Richard the First’s Alliances’, 91.

157
   See Gillingham,
Richard I
, 312.

158
   Poole,
Domesday Book to Magna Carta
, 453.

159
   At this stage Henry’s son and heir Frederick was still an infant living in Sicily.

160
   For a recent summary of Otto’s career in English, see Sean McGlynn, ‘Otto IV’, in Clifford J. Rogers,
Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology
, Oxford, 2010.

161
   Poole,
Domesday Book to Magna Carta
, 451;
Foedora
, i, 103.

162
   Fryde, ‘King John and the Empire’, 343.

163
   
Foedora
, i, 104.

164
   Suger,
Vie de Louis le Gros
, ed. and trans. by H. Waquet, Paris, 1964 [1929], 218–226. The Capetians, unlike English kings, were fortunate in having a succession of authorised royal biographies. For what follows, I have relied heavily on Fryde, ‘King John and the Empire’. Also for Franco-Imperial relations, see n. 4 above and: Hallam,
Capetian France
, 131–2; Luchaire,
Philippe Auguste
, 165–79; Baldwin,
Government of Philip Augustus
, ch. 9; Slyvian Gougenheim, ‘Les Grands Traits de la Vie Politique’, in Michel Parisse (ed),
L’Allemagne au XIIIe Siècle
, Paris, 1994, 19–24.

165
   Gillingham,
Richard I
, p. 236. Gillingham covers the consequences of Richard’s imperial imprisonment in detail, 230–53.

166
   Gervase of Canterbury,
The Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury
, ed. W. Stubbs, 2 vols., RS, 1879–80, i, 514.

167
   But see Baldwin,
Government of Philip Augustus
, 81–2. Baldwin believes the marriage may have been to bluff England into greater insecurity. For Philip and Denmark, see Thomas Riis, ‘Autour de Marriage de 1193: l’Epouse, son Pays et les Relations Franco-Danoises’, in Bautier,
La France de Philippe Auguste
. Of related interest is Kathleen S. Scohwalter, ‘The Ingeborg Psalter: Queenship, Legitimacy, and the Appropriation of Byzantine Art in the West’, in Kathleen Nolan (ed)
Capetian Women
, Basingstoke, 2003.

168
   Howden, iii, 217.

169
   Howden provides the quotes: Howden, iii, 196–7, 204–5.

170
   Howden, iii, 216–17.

171
   Horst Fuhrman,
Germany in the High Middle Ages
, trans. Timothy Reuter, Cambridge, 1986, p. 186; Alfred Haverkampf,
Medieval Germany, 1056–1273
, trans. H. Braun and R. Mortimer, Oxford, 1988, 242–4.

172
   Luchaire,
Philippe Auguste
, 167–8.

173
   There is no room to discuss the crusade here. It was, for the French, primarily an offensive war; it was a sideshow that never threatened the Capetian dynasty in the way the Anglo-Imperial menace did. Two recent accounts of the crusade are: Laurence Marvin,
The Occitan War
, Cambridge, 2008, and Mark Gregory Pegg,
A Most Holy War: The Albigensian Crusade and the Battle for Christendom
, Oxford, 2008. Of interest here is Nicholas Vincent, ‘England and the Albigensian Crusade’, in Weiler and Rowlands,
England and Europe in the Reign of Henry III.

174
   For Innocent, see: Jane Sayers,
Innocent III: Leader of Europe, 1198–1216
, London, 1994; James M. Powell (ed),
Innocent III: Vicar of Christ or Lord of the World?
, Boston, 1963; Colin Morris,
The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1950 to 1250
, Oxford, 1989, 417–51.

175
   For these events, see Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, 80–87, 178–9; Bradbury,
Philip Augustus
, 173–85. For Philip’s relations with the Papacy in general, see: Bradbury, ibid, 166–94; Sivéry,
Philippe Auguste
, 232–6; Luchaire,
Philippe Auguste
, ch. 3; R. Foreville,
Le Pape Innocent III et la France
, Stutthart, 1992; Brenda Bolton, ‘Philip Augustus and John: Two Sons in Innocent III’s Vineyard?’, in her
Innocent III: Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care
, Aldershot, 1995, especially at 121–2; M. Maccarrone, ‘La Papauté et Philippe Auguste: la Décrétale
Novit Ille
’, in Bautier,
La France de Philippe Auguste
. The text of
Novit Ille
can be read in C.R. Cheney and W. H. Semple (eds),
Selected Letters of Pope Innocent III Concerning England, 1198–1216
, 63–8.

176
   Poole,
Domesday Book to Magna Carta
, 443.

177
   For what follows, I have relied heavily on Christopher Harper-Bill’s excellent ‘King John and the Church’, in Church,
King John
. See also: Warren,
King John
, ch. 5; Painter,
Reign of King John
, ch. 5; F.M. Powicke,
Stephen Langton
, Oxford, 1928. A new biography on Stephen Langton from Nicholas Vincent is anticipated. For a broader context, see: C. H. Lawrence, ‘The Thirteenth Century’, in C.H. Lawrence (ed),
The English Church and the Papacy in the Middle Ages
, 1965; R. Brentano,
Two Churches: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century
, Berkely, 1968; C.R. Cheney,
The Papacy and England: Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries
, 1982; ibid,
From Becket to Langton: English Church Government, 1170–1213
, Manchester, 1956; ibid,
Innocent III and England
, Stuttgart, 1979. Innocent’s letters to John can be found in Cheney and Semple,
Selected Letters
.

178
   Gillingham,
Richard I
, 275; Holt,
Magna Carta and Medieval Government
, p. 82.

179
   Painter,
Reign of King John
, 161, 163–4.

180
   RW, ii, 37.

181
   Turner,
King John
, p. 159. For a more favourable picture: Warren,
King John
, 169; Barlow,
Feudal Kingdom
, 399–400.

182
   Turner,
King John
, 158. See also Christopher Harper-Bill, ‘John and the Church of Rome’, 301. For his time in Paris, see also Powicke,
Stephen Langton
, 23–74.

183
   Robert Fawtier, ‘Un Fragment du Compte de l’Hôtel de Prince Louis’, in Fawtier,
Autour de la France Capétienne: Personnages et Institutions
, 1987 [1933], IX, 228, 238. The payment details are recorded in item 101, 244. This is a much overlooked source. The quote is from Powicke,
Stephen Langton
, 135.

184
   For the Interdict, see Harper-Bill, ‘John and the Church of Rome’, 304–7; Warren,
King John
, 163–73; Turner,
King John
, 160–3, 165, 170–2, 175; Painter,
Reign of King
John,173–97. For context, see Peter D. Clarke,
The Interdict in the Thirteenth Century
, Oxford, 2007.