Blood Cries Afar (57 page)

357
   See AB, 148–9 for events.

358
   Painter,
King John
, 308.

359
   Ibid, 309.

360
   For the full text of Magna Carta, see Holt,
Magna Carta
, 441–73; Warren,
King John
, 265–77; Turner,
Magna Carta
, 226–36.

361
   Warren,
King John
, 239.

362
   Matthew Paris, ii, 611.

363
   Holt,
Magna Carta,
228.

364
   BC, 222.

365
   Warren,
King John
, 108. For John’s relations with Salisbury, see Brock Holden, ‘The Balance of Patronage: King John and the Earl of Salisbury’,
Haskins Society Journal
, 8, 1996.

366
   For Falkes, see Daniel Power, ‘Bréauté, Sir Falkes de’,
Dictionary of National Biography
, Oxford, accessed online at
www.oxforddnb.com
.

367
   Turner,
King John
, 251. Turner summarises the positions well (251–3) and I have borrowed from him heavily for the following passage.

368
   See Richard Eales, ‘Castles and Politics in England, 1215–1214’,
TCE
2, 1988.

369
   Painter,
King John
, 352–3.

370
   Ibid, 353.

371
   Turner,
King John
, 252.

372
   Half a century later, another rebel, Simon de Montfort, and another king, Henry III, viewed Rochester in similar terms: see J.R. Maddicott,
Simon de Montfort
, Cambridge, 1994, 268. For Rochester, see RW, 145–51; AB, 158–60, 163; BC, 226. I have, as far as I am aware, provided here the most detailed account of the siege.

373
   The result of this action is clearly seen at Rochester today; the south-western tower was rebuilt immediately after the siege in the more modern and effective circular form, standing incongruously next to its older partners.

374
   R. Allen Brown,
Rochester Castle
, 2nd edn., English Heritage, 1986, 10–11. I was fortunate to have taken postgraduate studies with Prof Allen Brown at King’s College, London.

375
   Ralph Turner, ‘King John’s Military Reputation Reconsidered’,
Journal of Medieval History
, 19, 1993.

376
   For example, a detailed study of Wendover’s chronicle reveals that most woundings and fatalities in this period were from crossbows and bows. See McGlynn, ‘Roger of Wendover and the Wars of Henry III’, 188. Much has been written on these weapons, for example: Kelly de Vries,
Medieval Military Technology
, Peterborough, 1992, 33–44; David Nicolle,
Arms and Armour of the Crusading Era, 1050–1350: Western Europe and the Crusader States
, London, 1999, passim; Vernon Foley, George Palmer and Werner Soedel, ‘The Crossbow’,
Scientific American
, 1985. Matthew Strickland and Robert Hardy,
The Great Warbow
, Stroud, 2005; Jim Bradbury,
The Medieval Archer
, Woodbridge, 1985. Readers will discover here elements of the longbow debate, ie: the longbow was a radical new weapon which revolutionised English tactics in the Hundred Years War leading to such great victories as Crécy and Agincourt. For my mind, I think it highly improbable that it was a new weapon: in age of technological wonders such as castles and cathedrals, it seems impossible that medieval man would not have realised a longer bow would have greater power. As armour developed, so the bow would have too to attempt to counter it. Gerald of Wales gives a vivid depiction of the penetrative power of bows in the late twelfth century: Gerald of Wales,
The Journey Through Wales/The Description of Wales
, London, 1978, 113.

377
   RW, ii, 150, confirmed by AB, 163.

378
   Froissart, Chronciles, 106. For a discussion of threats, see McGlynn,
By Sword and Fire
, 189–94.

379
   AB, 161–2.

380
   Ibid, 160.

381
   See Petit-Dutaillis,
Louis VIII
, 71. Ralph of Coggeshall says that John had passed on forged letters: RC, 176–7.

382
   See AB, 160–1 for a list of French knights and Petit-Dutaillis,
Louis VIII
, 70–96, for Louis’s preparations.

383
   RW, ii, 161.

384
   S. D. Church, ‘The Earliest English Muster Roll, 18/19 December, 1215’,
Historical Research
, 67 (162), 1994. Also see S.D.Church, ‘The Knights of the Household of King John: a Question of Numbers’,
TCE
, 4, 1992. His monograph is extremely insightful: Church,
The Household Knights of King John
.

385
   RW, 162.

386
   Warren,
King John
, 248–9.

387
   There has been a tendency in recent years to play down the extent of the Anarchy, but Hugh Thomas has reassuringly countered this misperception in an important article: Hugh Thomas, ‘Violent Disorder in King Stephen’s England: A Maximum Argument’, in Paul Dalton and Graeme White (eds),
King Stephen’s Reign, 1135–1154
, Woodbridge, 2008.

388
   RC, 178.

389
   BC, 229.

390
   For John’s campaign, see: RW, ii, 162–6; AB, 163–4; McGlynn,
By Sword and Fire
, 222–33; Turner,
King
John, 254; Warren,
King John
, 248–9; Painter,
King
John, 368–70; Norgate,
John Lackland
, 255–7 Holt,
The Northerners
, 133.

391
   RW, ii, 162.

392
   RW, ii, 162.

393
   BC, 228.

394
   See Strickland, ‘Securing the North’ for castle strategy.

395
   Painter,
King John
, 368.

396
   For events in Scotland in the years 1215–17, see Keith Stringer, ‘Kingship, Conflict and State-Making in the Reign of Alexander II: The War of 1215–17 and its Context’, in Richard Oram (ed),
The Reign of Alexander II, 1214–49
, Lieden, 2005. This is the only article that deals at length with the events discussed here; it is an invaluable study on which I have drawn heavily.

397
   Stringer, ‘Kingship, Conflict and State-Making’, 123, n. 88; AB,163–4.

398
   Stringer, ‘Kingship, Conflict and State-Making’, 144.

399
   MP, ii, 642.

400
   Stringer, ‘Kingship, Conflcit and State-Making’, 145.

401
   See: Painter,
King John
, 370; Holt,
The Northeners
, 133–5.

402
   There is uncertainty over Alnwick and Warwick-on-Tweed: Holt says they remained untaken by John (
The Northeners
, 134); Painter says otherwise (
King John
, 370). According to Wendover, Mountsorrel was the only castle remaining to the rebels in the north (RW, ii, 167).

403
   Painter,
King John
, 370.

404
   Holt,
The Northerners
, 137.

405
   RC, 178–9.

406
   HWM, ii, 225. William Marshal was in Ireland at this time.

407
   RW, ii, 165–6. See McGlynn,
By Sword and Fire
, 227–31, for a detailed analysis of what follows.

408
   RW, ii, 166.

409
   RW, ii, 171–2.

410
   RW, ii, 162.

411
   BC, 232.

412
   Holt makes the case for no payment in
The Northerners
, 134, n.1.

413
   Poole,
Domesday Book to Magna Carta
, 481.

414
   Richmond, ‘Identity and Morality’, 234.

415
   McGlynn,
By Sword and Fire
, explains the rationale behind atrocities in medieval warfare.

416
   David Green,
Edward the Black Prince
, Harlow, 2007, 35.

417
   RW, ii, 162–7. See also McGlynn, ‘Roger of Wendover’, 194–7.

418
   McGlynn, ‘Roger of Wendover’, 195.

419
   The Anonymous gives the names of some of the knights: AB, 160–1;
Chronique des Rois de France
, 770–1. For events leading up to Louis’s arrival, see: RW, ii,165–80;AB, 162–8; WB, i, 305–8; RC, 178–81; Petite-Dutaillis,
Louis VIII
, 90–100; Painter,
King John
, 370–4;Turner,
King John
, 254–5; Warren,
King John
, 251–1.

420
   AB, 164–5.

421
   Painter,
King John
, 372.

422
   Painter,
King John
, 372.

423
   For the events of April, see: RW, ii, 176–80; WB, ii, 359; WB, I 306–7; Baldwin,
The Government of Philip Augustus
, 332; Bradbury,
Philip Augustus
, 318–19; and note 32.

424
   For Guala, see: Nicholas Vincent (ed),
The Letters and Charters of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri
, Woodbridge, 1996; Fred A. Cazel, ‘The Legates Guala and Pandulf’, in
TCE
II.

425
   These sanctions can not be verified.

426
   Bradbury,
Philip Augustus
, 319–20; Baldwin,
Government of Philip Augustus
, 335.

427
   See AB, 187 and again in his
Chroniques des Rois de France
, 770.

428
   RW, ii, 180. Cf. WB, i, 306–7 where William says a safe passage was granted.

429
   Vincent,
Letters and Charters
, xl-xli.

430
   Norgate,
John Lackland
, 267.

431
   AB, 168; RC, 181.

432
   AB, 166–7; WB, i, 307.

433
   For Eustace, see: Glyn Burgess (ed and trans),
Two Medieval Outlaws: Eustace the Monk and Fouke Fitz Waryn
, Woodbridge, 1997; Maurice Keen,
The Outlaws of Medieval Legend
, 1977.

434
   Maurice Keen,
The Outlaws of Medieval Legend
, 54.

435
   Burgess,
Two Medieval Outlaws
, 77.

436
   RC, 181; Petit-Dutaillis,
Louis VIII
, 100.

437
   Vincent,
Letters and Charters
, xli.

438
   AM, ii, 46.

439
   AB, 169. In his
Chroniques des Rois de France
, the Anonymous says that did not wait there (
Recueil
, xiv, 771).

440
   RW, ii, 180.

441
   It opened its gates to Louis on 6 November.

442
   RW, ii, 181.

443
   RW, ii, 181–2.

444
   Warren,
King John
, 252. For the events of June and July, see: RW, ii, 190–2; AB, 171–4; BC, ii, 230–1; AM, ii, 46–7; Petite-Dutaillis,
Louis VIII
, 106–8; Norgate,
John Lackland
, 271–4;Painter,
King John
, 374–5. Wendover and Anonymous remain the chief sources here.

445
   WB, i, 311.

446
   Sidney Painter,
William Marshal: Knight-Errant,Baron, and Regent of England
, Toronto, 1982 [1933], 188. Walter de Beauchamp was soon back in John’s camp.

447
   Painter,
King John
, 375.

448
   RW, ii 191.

449
   WM, 257.

450
   Church,
Household Knights of King John
, 111. For the comings and goings of these vacillating vassals see chapter 5 of this excellent study.

451
   AB, 176–7.

452
   RW, ii, 183.

453
   Norgate,
John Lackland
, 274–5, on whom I have drawn heavily for this paragraph.

454
   Norgate,
John Lackland
, 275. For intelligence, see: Michael Prestwich, ‘Military Intelligence under the Norman and Angevin kings’, in George Garnett and John Hudson (eds),
Law and Government in Medieval England and Normandy
, Oxford, 1994; McGlynn, ‘Roger of Wendover’, 191–2.

455
   WB, i, 311–12, where he calls Dover ‘impregnable’. For a recent study of Dover Castle, see John Gillingham, ‘The King and the Castle’,
BBC History
, 10 (8), 2009. For an analysis of the castle’s military architecture during the siege, see John Goodall, ‘Dover Castle and the Great Siege of 1216’,
Château Gaillard XIX
, 2000.

456
   MP, ii, 664.

457
   AM, ii, 49. For the initial phase of the siege of the Dover, see: AB, 177–80; RW, ii, 191–2.

458
   The exact date is uncertain; Wendover suggests that the meeting took place in August (RW, ii, 194). See Stringer, ‘Kingship, Conflict and State-Making’, 128 and 131 for a discussion of Alexander’s march.

459
   Stringer, ‘Kingship, Conflict and State-Making’, 128, 129.