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Authors: Philip Dwyer

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123
. Schnapper and Sérullaz (eds),
Jacques-Louis David
, pp. 474–7; Johnson,
Jacques-Louis David
, pp. 216, 218–20; Porterfield and Siegfried,
Staging Empire
, p. 17.
 
124
. Burke,
The Fabrication of Louis XIV
, pp. 199–200.
 
125
. Christopher M. S. Johns,
Antonio Canova and the Politics of Patronage in Revolutionary and Napoleonic Europe
(Berkeley, 1998), p. 104.
 
126. Cited in Johnson,
Jacques-Louis David
, p. 219.
 
127
. Harold T. Parker, ‘Napoleon I, Daily Round’, in Owen Connelly (ed.),
Historical Dictionary of Napoleonic France, 1799–1815
(Westport, Conn., 1985), pp. 357–8.
 
128

Le Publiciste
, 26 nivôse an VIII (16 January 1800).
 
129
. Chaptal,
Mes souvenirs sur Napoléon
, p. 328.
 
130
. Roederer,
Mémoires
, p. 187.
 
131
. Ségur,
Histoire et mémoires
,
iii. p. 476; Fain,
Mémoires
, p. 286.
 
132
. Paul de Kock,
Mémoires de Ch.-Paul de Kock, écrits par lui-même
(Paris, 1873), pp. 66–7.
 
133
. Michel Porret, ‘Introduction’, in Baron de Montesquieu,
Réflexions sur la Monarchie Universelle en Europe
(Geneva, 2000), p. 14. A fuller explanation can be found in Philip Dwyer, ‘Napoleon and the Universal Monarchy’,
History
, 95 (2010), 293–307.
 
134
. Morkov to Alexander (1/13 December 1802),
Sbornik
, lxx. p. 585.
 
135
. Vorontsov to Morkov (29 May/10 June 1803), in
Sbornik
, lxxvii. p. 190; Zawadzki, ‘Czartoryski and Napoleonic France’, 252; Hinsley,
Power and the Pursuit of Peace
, pp. 153–85.
 
136
. Both examples cited in Simms,
The Impact of Napoleon
, p. 97.
 
137
. Cited in Simms,
The Impact of Napoleon
, p. 272.
 
138
. Zawadzki, ‘Czartoryski and Napoleonic France’, 246.
 
139
. Zawadzki, ‘Czartoryski and Napoleonic France’, 263, 265.
 
140
. Zawadzki, ‘Czartoryski and Napoleonic France’, 274.
 
141
. Caulaincourt,
Memoirs
, ii. p. 257.
 
142
. Castellane,
Journal
, i. p. 165. René Bourgeois,
Tableau de la campagne de Moscou en 1812
(Paris, 1814), p. 2, initially believed that the army was destined to support the Russians against Turkey or was destined for India rather than an invasion of Russia. See also Puybusque,
Lettres sur la guerre de Russie
, pp. 11–12 (28 May 1812); Castellane,
Journal
, i. p. 165 (5 October 1812); Pierre-Paul Denniée,
Itinéraire de l’empereur Napoléon pendant la campagne de 1812
(Paris, 1842), p. 11; Fantin des Odoards,
Journal
, pp. 321–2; Adrien Bourgogne,
Mémoires du sergent Bourgogne
(Paris, 1898, reprinted 1992), p. 357 n. 8; Eugène Labaume,
Relation circonstanciée de la campagne de Russie
(Paris, 1814), p. 223; Arthur Chuquet (ed.),
1812: la Guerre de Russie: notes et documents
(Paris, 1912), p. 8.
 
143
. Ratchinski,
Napoléon et Alexandre
, pp. 73–4, 291–6. The only other person to argue that Napoleon intended to crown himself in Moscow – in this instance, ‘Emperor of the West’ – is Alfred Sudre,
Petites causes et grands effets. Le secret de 1812
(Paris, 1887). Ratchinski bases his assertion on the memoranda by Louis Alexandre Andrault, comte de Langeron, found in the Archives des Affaires Etrangères. There is, however, little or nothing to support this claim. It is more likely that they were Russian ornaments and the insignia of the Russian crown that Napoleon had looted from the Kremlin, which he was taking back to France as trophies (Caulaincourt,
Memoirs
, i. p. 314 n. 1; Roguet,
Mémoires militaires
, iv. p. 497).
 
144
. Miot de Melito,
Mémoires
, i. p. 307.
 
145

Corr
., ix. n. 7832 (2 July 1804).
 
146
. Fouché,
Mémoires
, i. p. 354, and ii. p. 114, wrote that ‘The idea of destroying the power of England, the sole obstacle to universal monarchy, became his [Napoleon’s] fixed obsession.’
 
147
. Fouché,
Mémoires
, ii. p. 114.
 
148
. Cited in Dunan,
Napoléon et l’Allemagne
, p. 409.
 
149
. Dominique Dufour, baron de Pradt,
Histoire de l’ambassade dans le Grand Duché deVarsovie en 1812
(Paris, 1815), pp. 1, 16–17, 22–4, quotation p. 24.
 
150
. Cited in Fournier,
Napoleon
, ii. p. 148.
 
151
. J. Christopher Herold,
The Mind of Napoleon:
A Selection from his Written and Spoken Words
(New York, 1955), p. 257.
 
152
. Las Cases,
Mémorial
, i. p. 139.
 
153
. Emil Dard,
Dans l’entourage de l’Empereur
(Paris, 1940), pp. 111–23, here p. 114.
 
154
. Miot de Melito,
Mémoires
, iii. p. 241.
 
155
. Ségur,
Histoire et mémoires
, iv. p. 74.
 
156
. As does Etienne François, ‘Das napoleonische Hegemonialsystem auf dem Kontinent’, in Klinger, Hahn and Schmidt (eds),
Das Jahr 1806
, pp. 73–83.
 
157
. As does Schroeder,
Transformation of European Politics
, pp. xi, 230, 284, 393; and Schroeder, ‘Napoleon’s Foreign Policy’, 147–61.
 

17: ‘A Very Stormy Year’

1
.
Barante,
Souvenirs
, i. pp. 331–2.
2
.
Lecestre (ed.),
Lettres inédites
, i. pp. 374–6 (November 1809); Félix Rocquain,
Napoléon Ier et le roi Louis, d’après les documents conservés aux Archives nationales
(Paris, 1875), pp. lxxxi–lxxxii, 131–2, 222.
3
.
Rocquain,
Napoleon I et le roi Louis
, pp. 322–6.
4
.
Du Casse, ‘Napoléon et le roi Louis’, 354–79; Owen Connelly,
Napoleon’s Satellite Kingdoms
(New York, 1965), p. 127; Schama,
Patriots and Liberators
, pp. 609–10.
5
.
Du Casse,
Mémoires du roi Joseph
, vii. p. 311 (8 August 1810).
6
.
Tulard,
Murat
, pp. 156–61, 167–73.
7
.
Corr.
xxi. n. 16754 (4 August 1810). Murat was not, for example, given permission to send ambassadors to Vienna or Petersburg.
8
.
Corr.
xxi. n. 16806 (18 August 1810).
9
.
Mémoires et correspondance du roi Jérôme
, iv. p. 439; Melchior-Bonnet,
Jérôme Bonaparte
, p. 174; Boudon,
Le roi Jérôme
, pp. 347–9.

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