Collision Course: Endless Growth on a Finite Planet (51 page)

63
. Marchand 1998, 342–349.

64
. Chomsky 2001.

65
. Cited in Marchand, 322.

66
. Scott 1946, 14.

67
. The Psychological Corporation was founded to support applied psychology in areas such as advertising and vocational testing and selection (Sokal 1981).

68
. Link 1948, 14; Link cited in Carey 1987a, 8.

69
. Carey 1987a, 8.

70
. Fones-Wolf 1994, 3, 53.

71
. Cited in Ewen 1996, 386.

72
.
Fortune
1949, 68.

73
. Griffith 1983, 389; Carey 1987a, 9.

74
. Bernays 2005 [1928], 37–38.

75
. See Mark Crispin Miller’s introduction in Bernays 2005 [1928], 15–18.

76
. Walker and Sklar 1938, 121.

77
. Brinkley 1989, 98–100.

78
. Arndt 1978, 13.

79
. Tom Yntema, CED board member, 1947, cited in Maier 1987, 65.

80
. Maier 1987, 126.

81
. Griffith 1983, 390–391; Ad Council president, cited in Griffith 1983, 393.

82
. These merged to become the AFL-CIO in 1955. Union membership in the United States had tripled to nine million in the decade up to 1939 and jumped to 15 million in the course of the war; the union movement’s postwar agenda embraced tax reform, unemployment insurance, price controls, an increase in the minimum wage, and above all full employment. These objectives reflected values that the Great Depression had fostered, such as social justice and a “fair share” for everyone, redistribution where required, and the right to organize.

83
. Griffith 1983, 400–401.

84
. Griffith 1983, 402; Fones-Wolf 1994, 51.

85
. Carr 1949, 2.

86
. Beder 2006a, 45–48.

87
. Beder 2006a, 53.

88
. Beder 2006a, 52, 59. Beder is a professor in the School of Humanities and Social Inquiry at the University of Wollongong.

89
. Fones-Wolf 1994, 3.

90
. Cited in Green and Buchsbaum 1980, 14.

91
. Maier 1987, 130.

92
. Murdoch 2008.

93
. Maier 1987, 68.

94
. Maier 1987, 123, 142–143.

95
. Maier 1987, 146.

96
. Vogt 1948, 63–67.

11 Sleight of the Invisible Hand

1
. Beder 2006a, 58.

2
. Walker and Sklar 1938, 113.

3
. Sandbach 1978, 108.

4
. Powell 1971.

5
. Lapham 2004.

6
. Powell 1971.

7
. Edwards 1997, 8–9.

8
. Kaiser and Chinoy 1999; Smith 1991, 200.

9
. The Manhattan Institute was originally called the International Center for Economic Policy Studies when it was founded by Anthony Fisher and William J. Casey. It was renamed in 1981. Fisher was also instrumental in the founding of the Pacific Institute.

10
. The Heartland Institute provided Australia’s Senator Steve Fielding with his climate change denialist talking points in 2009. Fielding, who represented the Family First party, to the right of the conservative Coalition, attended Heartland’s Second International Conference on Climate Change in New York, where he heard from the world’s leading proponents of denial (Heartland Institute 2013).

11
. Lapham 2004; Mayer 2010.

12
. Jones 2006.

13
. Rippa 1988, 270.

14
. Hirsch 1975, 64–65; Parenti 1986, 72.

15
. Hirsch 1975, 70–71; Parenti 1986, 73–74.

16
. Cited in Parenti 1986, 74.

17
. Beder 2006a, 65–67. Surveys designed to demonstrate “economic illiteracy” had already been deployed in the late 1940s by the Opinion Research Corporation (ORC). Drawing on original ORC documents, Beder (2006a, 39–42) reproduces a series of the self-serving questions used at that time and notes that “executives scored much better than teachers or high school students.”

18
. Beder 2002a, 18.

19
. Lever 1978, 71; Weaver 1977, 188.

20
. Beder 2006a, 73; 2002a, 19.

21
. Stone 1991, 200–204.

22
. Bruce Herd, unpublished PhD thesis, cited in Murray 2006, 257.

23
. American Enterprise Institute 2010.

24
. Carey 1997, 91.

25
. AIMS 1972. AIMS began as Aims of Industry. It was known as Aims for Freedom and Enterprise in the late 1970s and is now called Aims of Industry again, or simply AIMS.

26
. Cockett 1994, 306–308; PR Watch 2004.

27
. Murray 2006, 156.

28
. Liberal Party of Australia—Queensland Branch 2007. Australia’s Liberal Party is the leading party of the Right, though it has governed since 1949 in coalition with the rural-based National Party.

29
.
IPA Review
1955; Scott 1950, 11, 429–459.

30
. Moore and Carpenter 1987, 156–157.

31
. Cahill 2004, 293.

32
. Oliver Smedley, cited in Cockett 1994, 131.

33
. Lindsay 1996.

34
. Beder 2006a, 45.

35
. Friedman 1999, 105–117.

36
. Humphrys 2004.

37
. Stone 1991, 200–201.

38
. Cited in Murray 2006, 156.

39
. Kristol 1977, 3–4.

40
. Bagnall 2004.

41
. Lindsay 1996, 17; Cahill 2005.

42
. Lindsay 1996, 19–20.

43
. Hugh Morgan secured funding from both local corporations and transnational corporations: CRA, BHP, Santos, Shell, and the Adelaide
Advertiser,
as well as Western Mining Corporation. All but the
Advertiser
are mining and energy companies (Cahill 2004, 211).

44
. Bagnall 2004, 25.

45
. Carey 1987a, 10.

46
. Allen 1976.

47
. Cahill 2010, 15.

48
. Keavney 1978, 66.

49
. Allen 1976.

50
. Taibbi 2009.

51
. Labor prime minister Gough Whitlam was dismissed by the governor-general on November 11, 1975, in a constitutional crisis precipitated by the conservative Coalition, which was elected to office in the subsequent poll.

52
. Allen 1976.

53
. Harris 1978, 11.

54
. Bagnall 2004, 25.

55
. Carey 1987a, 11.

56
. Oreskes and Conway 2010, 1–35; Proctor 2012.

57
. Ivens 1978, v.

58
. Carey 1987a, 11; 1987b, 169.

59
. Cockett 1995, 3–4.

60
. Cahill 2004.

61
. Sandbach 1978, 99–101, 105–107.

62
. Robert Gottlieb, cited in Buell 2003, 10.

63
. Beder 2002a, 16–21.

64
. Green and Buchsbaum 1980, 81.

65
. Carey 1997, 89.

66
. MacDougall 1980, 14.

67
. Beder 2002a, 18; Green and Buchsbaum 1980, 7.

68
. Green and Buchsbaum 1980, 7; Cushman 2001.

69
. Green and Buchsbaum 1980, 68, 73, 90.

70
. Austin 2002, 85–86; Green and Buchsbaum 1980, 94.

71
. The key question was phrased as follows: “Those in favor of setting up an additional consumer protection agency on top of all the other agencies,” a question that falsely implied that consumer protection measures were already in place and a consumer protection agency would be redundant. This was not the case.

72
. Green and Buchsbaum 1980, 113, 109.

73
. Carey 1997, 94.

74
. Vogel 1990, 193.

75
. Beder 2002a, 17–18.

76
. Rowell 1996, 22; Beder 2002a, 22.

77
. Beder 2002b, 32.

78
. Austin 2002, 93, 90; Revkin 2009.

79
. Austin 2002, 85–86; Rowell 1996, 14–22; Beder 2002a, 47–62; Greenpeace 2007.

80
. R. L. Barry, cited in Rowell 1996, 14. See also chapter 12.

81
. Austin 2002, 85–86, 90.

82
. Mayer 2010.

83
. Austin 2002, 83, 89.

84
. Dolny 1996.

85
. Cushman 1998.

86
. Walker 1998.

87
. Walker 1998.

88
. Sample 2007.

89
. Gelbspan 2005.

90
. Begley 2007.

91
. Cubby 2012.

92
. Mooney 2005.

93
.
Mother Jones
5.

94
. Greenpeace 2013; see Adam 2006 and Ward 2009 for Bob Ward’s efforts to force Exxon to be accountable.

95
. Snowe and Rockefeller 2006. See Brulle (2013) for recent analysis of how the opposition to climate science in the US has been funded since 2003. A feature is the increasing importance of the “black box” Donors Trust and Donors Capital Fund, in which contributions cannot be traced to contributors. When these entities are added to the leading family foundations (Scaife, Koch, Bradley, Howard, Pope, Searle and Templeton) $200 million has been donated in the period from 2003 to 2010, primarily to the think tanks (AEI, the Heritage Foundation, the Hoover Institution, and the Cato Institute being prominent recipients). Opposition to climate science continues to be integrated into the overall US conservative movement, while the newly active “dark money” funds have joined foundations as the principal vehicles for corporate funding.

96
. Associated Press, cited in Rowell 1996, 7; Green and Buchsbaum 1980, 15.

97
. Canan and Pring 1988, 506.

98
. Beder 2002a, 63–74; 2004b, 1–3; Walters 2003.

99
. An exception was the suit brought by Tasmanian timber company Gunns against twenty environmentalists, including Greens senator Bob Brown and the Wilderness Society in 2004. It failed to silence anyone and left Gunns out of pocket (Ogle 2010), mainly because Brown had considerable support and a high public profile.

12 The Free Market Assault on Environmental Science

1
. Dunlap and McCright 2010, 241–243.

2
. Lahsen 2008, 213–214.

3
. Dunlap and McCright 2010, 243; Jacques, Dunlap, and Freeman 2008, 353; Buell 2003.

4
. Begley 2007.

5
. Jacques, Dunlap, and Freeman 2008, 361.

6
. Jacques, Dunlap, and Freeman 2008, 354.

7
. Duncan 1985, 40.

8
. Jacques, Dunlap, and Freeman 2008, 360; 363–4.

9
. Jacques, Dunlap, and Freeman 2008, 361–363.

10
. Riley Dunlap at the AAAS, broadcast on ABC Radio by Robyn Williams on April 3, 2010 (Williams 2010).

11
. Bush 2003.

12
. Cited in Austin 2002, 80.

13
. Begley 2007.

14
. Mooney 2005.

15
. Bagla 2002.

16
. Eilperin 2005.

17
. Revkin 2005.

18
. Michael E. Baroody, NAM executive vice president, May 16, 2001, cited in Edwards 2004.

19
. US Chamber of Commerce, July 19, 2001, cited in Edwards 2004.

20
. Dolny 1996.

21
. American Council on Science and Health (ACSH) 2013.

22
. Rampton and Stauber 2001, 228.

23
. Consumer Reports 1994, 319; Markowitz and Rosner 2002a, 288.

24
. Austin 2002, 81–82.

25
. Lapham 2004; Austin 2002, 82.

26
. These appointments were specified on the 2004 SEPP website as of March 22, 2011. The site no longer carries any link to such details.

27
. Greenpeace 2004b. Greenpeace’s Exxon Secrets website, ExxonSecrets.org (Greenpeace 2013), allows one to explore the multiple weblike connections between think tanks and front groups, their personnel, and major corporations.

28
. Jacques, Dunlap, and Freeman 2008, 356.

29
. Bailey 1993; 2002.

30
. Shnayerson 2007.

31
. Humphrys 2004; Paxman 2006.

32
. Jacques, Dunlap, and Freeman 2008, 370.

33
. Simon 1981; Barney 1982; Simon and Kahn 1984.

34
. Oreskes 2004; Anderegg et al. 2010; Cook et al. 2013; IPCC 2001, 2007, 2013.

35
. Karl 2007.

36
. Newport 2010.

37
. CPI Strategic 2009.

38
. Jeffords was by then an independent. He had defected from the Republican Party some years earlier.

39
. Cited in Oreskes and Conway 2008, 76.

40
. Jackson 2010.

41
. Legacy Tobacco Documents Library 1969, 4.

42
. Oreskes and Conway 2010, 15, 142–143.

43
. Oreskes and Conway 2010, 244–255; Burke 1993.

44
. Nierenberg 1984; Golden 1982; Oreskes and Conway 2010, 103–106.

45
. Oreskes and Conway 2010, 113, 118, 125–129.

46
. US Senate 2007; Cohen and Dreier 2009; Krupp 2002.

47
. Oreskes and Conway 2010, 169–174.

48
. National Research Council (NRC) 1983, 151, 449, 474–482. The assessment of the status of climate modeling was conducted not by specialist climate modelers but by Nordhaus, while Schelling wrote the last chapter on policy implications. The judgments of the scientists, some much more alarmed than the economists, appeared between these chapters and were not much reflected in the chapters that framed the report.

49
. NRC 1983, 1–4.

50
. Shabecoff 1983.

51
. Gelbspan 2005.

52
. Pearse 2007, 22.

53
. Pearse found that the “missing in action” sectors of the business community failed to pursue a climate policy in opposition to the AIGN for a range of reasons, some ideological and some structural. Australian insurers, for example, were lukewarm on climate policy, despite potential heavy losses from global warming; the industry harbored climate change opponents and was more focused on financial issues and its carbon-intensive investment portfolio than on its future possible losses. See Pearse 2007, 176–192.