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54
. Pearse 2007, 227–238.

55
. Pearse 2007, 228–238.

56
. Woodley 2011; AAP 2011.

57
. Pearse 2009, 31, 37.

58
. Pearse 2009, 25–27, 38–40, 48.

59
. Warren 2008; Brewster 2008.

60
. Pearse 2009, 69.

61
. Smil 2006, 21. Vaclav Smil cannot be regarded as a biased environmentalist. He has published with the American Enterprise Institute and the free market website techcentral.com.

62
. Australian Treasury 2008, 155. Calculations by Pearse 2009, 115.

63
. Pearse 2009, 67–68.

64
. World Coal Association 2013.

65
. Jacobs 2011.

66
. Lane 2011. At the Kyoto conference, the Howard government made its agreement to join the Kyoto Protocol conditional on the adoption of an ETS; this stipulation was included at the insistence of both Australia and the United States—along with that of other developed nations (Leggett 2001, 317; Mugliston 1998, 3).

67
. The CEO of the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Peter Anderson, wrote: “We don’t need to take a blow for the global team if other nations can’t get their act together. And they can’t” (Anderson 2011).

68
. Productivity Commission (Australia) 2011. Though characterized, especially by its opposition, as a tax, the measure was to default to an ETS after three years. Although this ETS would limit overseas purchase of permits to 50 percent until 2020, the longer term future of outsourcing would not be determined until then. Strengths of the new policy were the addition of significant funding for clean energy—with “clean coal” deleted from this category—as well as the establishment of independent institutions to advise on the science, disperse the funds, monitor progress, and administer the pricing mechanism (Department of Climate Change and Energy Efficiency [Australia] 2011, 31–32, 63). The newly elected Abbott government has pledged to abolish the carbon price and the Clean Energy Finance Corporation. It disbanded the advisory Climate Commission within days of being elected.

69
. Goodman 2010b.

70
. Luntz 2002. Luntz has claimed that the environmental section of his booklet was written in the mid-1990s (PBS 2006), suggesting that it did not represent his own views about global warming in 2002 when it was leaked. If this is true, however, Luntz is instructing his clients to lie when that is to their advantage. Whatever Luntz’s actual personal position, his memo shaped Bush’s environmental policy at the time.

71
. Luntz 2002, 137–8.

72
. Oreskes 2004.

73
. Luntz 2002, 136–139.

74
. Leggett 2001, 319. It was acknowledged at Kyoto that developing countries were responsible for very little of the CO already in the atmosphere and were entitled to different targets. The US Senate, however, had already signaled its unwillingness to ratify a treaty that did not specify obligations for developing countries. Although the Senate’s resolution (S. Res. 98) has been interpreted as being consistent with the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” (Harris 1999), nonetheless, it could also be interpreted as demanding action from developing countries. This approach was further emphasized as Bush took over the White House.

75
. Luntz 2002, 136–137, 141.

76
. Luntz 2002, 132.

77
. Luntz 2002, 143.

78
. Mooney 2004.

79
. Ong and Glantz 2001, 1749–1750.

80
. Markowitz and Rosner 2002a, 179.

81
. Markowitz and Rosner 2002a, 290–292.

82
. Markowitz and Rosner 2002b, 502.

83
. Lead was prominent among early toxins, and reformers such as Alice Hamilton were already urging protection for workers in the unregulated lead industry and labeling of paint so that painters would know when lead was present.

84
. Markowitz and Rosner 2002b, 502; 2002a, 7, 178.

85
. Markowitz and Rosner 2002a, 9–11.

86
. Monbiot 2006.

87
. Greenpeace 2004a.

88
. JunkScience.com.

89
. ACSH 2013.

90
. Marshall Institute 2009.

91
. Marshall Institute 2013.

92
. Singer 2000.

93
. Brown 1996.

94
. Herrick and Jamieson 2001.

95
. Cited in Oreskes and Conway 2010, 59–62.

96
. Oreskes and Conway 2010, 197–211.

97
. Austin 2002, 83–84.

98
. McCright and Dunlap 2000, 510–513.

99
. Friedman 1999, 107.

100
. McNeill 2001.

101
. US Energy Information Administration 2013.

102
. Cited in Rowell 1996, 71.

103
. Long 1991.

104
. Helvarg 1994, 7.

105
. Egan 1991.

106
. Krakauer 1991.

107
. Arnold 1981, 248.

108
. Singer 1989. I am indebted to Oreskes and Conway (2010) for alerting me to this paper by Singer. Two versions are in circulation. One is archived by the Heartland Institute and cited in Oreskes and Conway (2010). I located a slightly different one, originally carried on Singer’s SEPP website and now archived by Greenpeace.

109
. Cited in Greider 1992, 24.

110
. Cited in Bass 2004.

111
. Oreskes 2004.

112
. Cited in Gelbspan 2005.

113
. Lippmann 1920, 4, 11, 39.

114
. Cullen 2006, 2.

115
. Speaking to Phillip Adams on March 23, 2011 (Adams 2011).

116
. Boykoff and Boykoff 2004, 127, 129–130.

117
. Boykoff and Boykoff 2004, 132.

118
. Griffiths 2011.

119
. Newman 2010. The Howard government had already appointed the global warming “skeptics” Janet Albrechtsen, Ron Brunton, and Keith Windshuttle to the ABC board, so Newman was in like-minded company.

120
. Union of Concerned Scientists 2013.

121
. Beder 2001.

13 International Brakes on Environmental Priorities

1
. Mirowski 2009, 438–439.

2
. IMF 2013a; Bretton Woods Project 2010.

3
. Beder 2006b, 42. Big finance has recently supplied European heads of state as well. In the course of the European sovereign debt crisis, the man appointed to be Italy’s prime minister in 2011 had been a senior finance professional with Goldman Sachs, and the man appointed to lead Greece was also connected to Goldman, having served as Greek Reserve Bank governor at the time when Goldman helped to obscure the Greek debt position, allowing it to join the Eurozone (Roche 2011).

4
. Morley 1986.

5
. Morley 1986.

6
. Sachs 2008.

7
. See Fairfax economist Ross Gittins (2002) for a trenchant critique of the IMF’s instructions to Australia at that time.

8
. Williamson 1989. Williamson did not approve of the term being used as a shorthand for the neoliberal agenda by its critics. His description of the Washington Consensus did, however, set out the major elements of the neoliberal doctrine rather succinctly.

9
. Beder 2006b, 45–46.

10
. Buckley 2002/2003, 60–61.

11
. Economic standstill combined with inflation; see chapter 6.

12
. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 2010a, 2010b.

13
. World Economic Forum (WEF) 2010a, 2010b.

14
. Schwab 2009, 48; Naidoo 2014; Burrow personal communication, 2014. After a distinguished career in the Australian union movement, Sharan Burrow has served in international labor organizations since the early 2000s and was elected General Secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation in 2010. The Grameen Bank provides microcredit to the rural poor of Bangladesh. Yunus and the Grameen Bank were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006; he has received several invitations to Davos since that time.

15
. Vitali, Glattfelder, and Battison 2011.

16
. WEF 2010a, 2010b.

17
. Machan 1999.

18
. WEF 2010c.

19
. CNN 2009; G20 2013.

20
. Spain is indirectly represented by the EU delegate, Iran not at all.

21
. Støre 2010.

22
. Duffy 2004.

23
. Crozier, Huntington, and Watanuki 1975, 113, 98, 92.

24
. Rockefeller 1999.

25
. Golub and Townsend 1977.

26
. Any web search including the terms “Club of Rome” and either “conspiracy,” “Bilderberg,” or “Trilateral” will provide access to such claims. All of them fear a conspiracy to establish world government, and many suggest that environmental activists are in league with the business elites.

27
. Barker and Mander 1999, 2.

28
. Dryden 1995, 12–13.

29
. World Trade Organization (WTO) 2010a.

30
. Dryden 1995, 13, 25–26, 30, 31–32.

31
. Beder 2006b, 111. In his history of the WEF, Schwab (2009, 50) claims that the idea of the Uruguay Round was launched at a Lausanne meeting set up by the WEF between leading trade ministers and the head of GATT.

32
. Barker and Mander 1999, 5, 8.

33
. Beder 2006b, 113.

34
. Arrighi 1994.

35
. Beder 2006b, 118.

36
. Beder 2006b, 110; Li 2009, 74.

37
. Based on Tridico 2011.

38
. Montague 1999.

39
. Barker and Mander 1999, 25, 27.

40
. Montague 1999.

41
. WTO 2010b.

42
. Barker and Mander 1999, 25, 27.

43
. Barker and Mander 1999, 25.

44
. European Commission 2009.

45
. WTO 2010c.

46
. Das 1993, xix.

47
. Woolley 2007; Phillips 2006, 266.

48
. Sassen 2009.

49
. Tett 2009; Bernanke 2004.

50
. Patnaik 1999.

51
. Omidi 2010; Dennis and Mufson 2010; Taibbi 2010a, 2010b.

52
. Carnegy and Peel 2012; Barker and Polity 2013.

53
. US Congress 1993, 45. I am indebted to Wallach and Tucker (2010, 7) for alerting me to these comments.

54
. Barker and Mander 1999, 37.

55
. WTO 2010d.

56
. Barker and Mander 1999, 39; WTO 2010e.

57
. UN 2009, 39, 104.

58
. Reuters 2010; G20 2012.

59
. Pell and Eaton 2010.

60
. Goodman 2010a.

14
The Limits to Growth
after Forty Years

1
. Simon 1982, 207.

2
. Cato Institute 2013; Competitive Enterprise Institute 2013.

3
. Bailey 1989a, 1989b.

4
. Meadows, Meadows, and Randers 1992.

5
. Bailey 1993, 67.

6
. UN Environment Programme 2002, chap. 1, 2–3.

7
. Bailey 1993, 67.

8
. Meadows et al. 1972, 64–68.

9
. Meadows et al. 1972, 75.

10
. Meadows, Meadows, and Randers 1992, 2.

11
. Meadows et al. 1972, 24.

12
. Passell, Roberts, and Ross 1972.

13
. Meadows 2007, 408–413.

14
.
Economist
1997.

15
. Meadows et al. 1972, 64–68.

16
. Jaffe and Manning 2000, 16.

17
. Ridley 2001.

18
. Fullerton 2002.

19
. Quiggin 2002. This is not what table 4 claims, and the figures in it are not part of the World3 model anyway. Quiggin’s quoted blog is no longer available; a search for “Club of Rome” will locate similar views.

20
. Barnett and Morse 1963.

21
. Cleveland 1991, 294–295; Zencey 2013; McNeill 2001.

22
. Krauss 2008.

23
. Campbell 1996; 1997; Campbell and Laherrère 1998.

24
. Williams 2011a.

25
. Campbell and Laherrère 1998, 82.

26
. Or “tight oil,” see chapter 2, note 27.

27
. Kohler 2012; Krauss and Lipton 2012; Luce 2011.

28
. Hughes 2013, 22; Berman and Pittinger 2011.

29
. Osborn et al. (2011) linked methane contamination of groundwater to the drilling and fracking process, as did a leaked US Environmental Protection Agency (2013) presentation dealing with wells near Dimock, Pennsylvania. A draft EPA (2011) report on water near Pavillion, Wyoming, found fracking fluids in water, as well as methane; the final release of this study has been delayed as the EPA negotiates with Wyoming state authorities.

30
. Howarth, Santoro, and Ingraffea 2011.

31
. Meadows et al. 1972, 102.

32
. Meadows 2007, 404.

33
. Turner 2008, 397–402.

34
. See Meadows et al. 1972, 129 (standard run), 147 (comprehensive technology run), 168–172 (stabilized world runs); Turner 2008, 402–410.

35
. This involves compensating discrepancies in the birth and death rates.

36
. Turner 2008, 410.

37
. Huesemann 2003, 30.

38
. Hall and Day 2009, 233; 235.

39
. Hall and Day 2009, 236–7; McNeill 2001; Cleveland 1991.

40
. Jackson 2009b, 48–57.

41
. Ma 2011.

42
. UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2013.

43
. Jackson 2009b, 8.

44
. Huesemann 2003, 31–32.

BOOK: Collision Course: Endless Growth on a Finite Planet
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