Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy (60 page)

Earlier that day, he had met author Edward J. Epstein for an interview.
In a 1983 Wall Street Journal article, Epstein wrote that DeMohrenschildt
told him that day that the CIA had asked him "to keep tabs on Oswald."

However, the thing that may have triggered DeMohrenschildt's fear was
that Epstein showed him a document that indicated DeMohrenschildt might
be sent back to Parkland for further shock treatments, according to a
statement by Attorney David Bludworth, who represented the state during
the investigation into DeMohrenschildt's death.

Although several aspects of DeMohrenschildt's death caused chief investigator Capt. Richard Sheets of the Palm County Sheriff's Office to
term the shooting "very strange," -a coroner's jury-quickly ruled suicide.

It is unclear if Oltmans knew of DeMohrenschildt's mental problems at
the time he made his statements, but in later years, Jeanne told the
newsman:

... If George's death was engineered, it is because you focused such
attention on my husband that the real conspirators decided to eliminate
him just in case George actually knew something, just like so many
others involved in the assassination.

One other matter that involved the DeMohrenschildts with the case has
proven as unfathomable as so many others. According to Jeanne, when the
DeMohrenschildts arrived back in the United States in early 1967, they
discovered a photograph of Oswald in some Russian-English language
records they had loaned to Marina Oswald prior to leaving for Haiti. The
records had never been returned and they were surprised to find them
among their belongings, which had been left with their friend Everett
Glover. Glover later placed the DeMohrenschildts' things in storage. Ruth
Paine, with whom Marina lived at the time of the assassination, also had
access to the DeMohrenschildt belongings.

The picture is one of the famous backyard scenes depicting Oswald with
his rifle and pistol while holding a communist publication. It is one pose of at least three photos believed by most researchers to be faked. On the back
of the photo is one inscription in English reading "To my friend George
from Lee Oswald." Beneath this is an inscription in Russian Cyrillic script
which translates "Hunter of fascists Ha-ha-ha!!!"

The photo also bears the date "5/IV/63" apparently meaning April 5,
1963. The date is curious, mixing in Roman numerals as it does and
written in the European style. The New Orleans-born Oswald more likely
would have written "4/5/63" and, in fact, a check of dozens of other
examples of dates in Oswald's mass of written material shows not one
written in the earlier manner.

Today, Jeanne swears neither she nor her husband ever saw the photograph until discovering it upon their return in 1967.

Handwriting experts for the House Select Committee on Assassinations
could not indentify Oswald, Marina, or the DeMohrenschildts as authors
of the inscription.

And Marina gave mixed accounts of the photo, which surfaced just at a
time when many assassination researchers were first beginning to question
the authenticity of the backyard photographs.

While testifying to the Committee in 1978, Marina suddenly said:

I remember being surprised at [Oswald] showing pictures like that
to George [DeMohrenschildt], so apparently I saw them at the apartment
.. . something strikes my memory that-how dare he show pictures
like that to a friend?

If her statement is true, and that's a big "if" since later in her testimony
Marina suddenly could not remember much else about the episode, it
would mean that George DeMohrenschildt-the man with numerous
intelligence connections-was aware of Oswald's possession of weapons
months before the assassination.

The DeMohrenschildts denied any knowledge of the photo with the
incriminating inscription, and today Jeanne is convinced that the picture
was planted among their possessions.

Looking over the fascinating life of George and Jeanne DeMohrenschildt,
one is struck by the idea that this sophisticated couple may be one of the
biggest "red herrings" of the assassination.

There is now no question that DeMohrenschildt had numerous and
long-standing connections with intelligence-most notably the CIA and,
perhaps, private intelligence groups connected with the oil industry and
defense work.

Yet it is apparent that through DeMohrenschildt certain elements within
oil, business, and intelligence circles could have become aware of Oswald
who, with his pro-communist background, must have appeared to be a
prime candidate for an assassination patsy.

After the assassination, DeMohrenschildt-with his connections to Ger man, French, Polish, and United States intelligence, wealthy right-wing
Texas oilmen, and Carribean business interests-provided a wonderful
opportunity to draw investigators into a labyrinth of false leads.

The mental deterioration near the end of his life caused DeMohrenschildt
to make untrue statements that further clouded the issue.

If George DeMohrenschildt had a genuine liking for President Kennedy,
as he stated on several occasions, this fondness was not shared by his
conservative oil and business associates. They felt threatened by the young
president, who was making decisions on finances, taxation, and foreign
policy outside their control.

Corporate leaders traditionally had sought out politicians who would
look out for their interests in Washington. So in the days of Kennedy's
Camelot, these oil and business titans may have looked to a man who they
knew they could deal with, if not completely trust-Vice President Lyndon
B. Johnson.

In Dallas on the day Kennedy died there were those people iconoclastic
enough to suggest that Vice President Johnson was behind the assassination. These were mostly long-time Texas residents who had heard vicious
stories about Johnson for years and who figured the Texas politician had
more to gain from Kennedy's death than just about anyone. Even today,
many serious students of the assassination cannot discount the idea that
Johnson, in some way, played a role in the Dallas tragedy.

Johnson's actions following the assassination do little to stop such
speculation. And a close study of the corruption and violence that dogged
Johnson's political career only adds to the suspicions.

Lyndon Baines Johnson was born August 27, 1908, near Johnson City,
Texas, which had been named for his grandfather, one of the area's
original settlers. His father, Sam Ealy Johnson, who served in the Texas
Legislature for twelve years, told neighbors: "A U.S. Senator is born
today. "

Young Johnson graduated from Johnson City High School as president
of his senior class of six. After running away to California, he hitchhiked
home and enrolled in Southwest Texas State Teachers College at San
Marcos.

After graduating at age twenty-two, Johnson got a teaching job in
Houston, but it failed to hold the interest of this ambitious young man. So,
in 1931, Johnson was drawn into Texas politics, campaigning strenuously
for conservative congressman Richard M. Kleberg. After Kleberg's victory, Johnson accompanied him to Washington as his secretary.

In 1934 Johnson was visiting in Austin when he met an attractive twenty-one-year-old journalism student named Claudia Alta Taylor, the
daughter of an affluent merchant and landowner in Karnack, Texas. (As
the story goes, a black "mammy" took one look at the infant Claudia and
declared: "Lawd, she's as pretty as a lady bird," and from then on, she
was known as "Lady Bird.") After a whirlwind courtship of two months,
consisting mainly of daily telephone calls from Washington, Johnson
returned to Texas and asked "Bird" to marry him, adding: "If you say no,
it just proves that you don't love me enough to dare to marry me. We
either do it now, or we never will."

She agreed and the couple drove to San Antonio for a rushed wedding in
St. Mark's Episcopal Church. After a brief honeymoon in Mexico, the
Johnsons moved to Washington, where they rented a one-bedroom apartment and Johnson resumed his political work for Kleberg.

Watching the energetic Johnson was a close friend of the Johnson
family, Congressman Sam Rayburn, already a power on Capitol Hill. In
August 1935, thanks to some help from Rayburn, President Franklin
Roosevelt named Johnson as Texas director of the National Youth Administration, a New Deal Program for employing youth. Johnson resigned as
Kleberg's secretary and flew to Texas where he told newsmen his "job
was to work himself out of a job." One of the first persons Johnson hired
to join the NYA was Jesse Kellam, a former San Marcos schoolmate who
was then deputy state supervisor of education. Kellam later succeeded
Johnson as NYA director and went on to manage the Johnson radio-TV
station KTBC in Austin.

Capitalizing on his authority to award loans and jobs, Johnson created a
formidable political base in south Texas. He also used his new position to
ingratiate himself with President Roosevelt, who Johnson referred to as "my
political daddy." By now, his career designs were set firmly in politics.

In early 1937, with the sudden death of Austin congressman James P.
Buchanan, Johnson saw his chance. Others also saw their chance. At the
same time Johnson was looking for financial and political support to
make a bid for Buchanan's seat, Austin attorney Alvin Wirtz and his
client, Herman Brown, were looking for help in Washington.

Brown's construction company, Brown & Root, had already spent
millions building the Marshall Ford Dam in South Texas. But the project
had not been officially authorized by Congress, rather it had begun as a
government grant obtained by Buchanan. With his death, the entire $10
million project was in limbo.

Backed by Wirtz, Brown, and their well-heeled business associates, the
indefatigable Johnson raced through nearly eight thousand square miles of
Texas hill country pledging total support of Roosevelt and his New Deal, a
theme that sat well with impoverished farmers and laborers.

The senatoral election, climaxed by a raging blizzard and sudden
surgery for LBJ to repair a ruptured appendix, was a victory, with
Johnson outpolling five opponents by three thousand votes.

Back in Washington, the twenty-nine-year-old Johnson managed to get
authorization for the dam project as well as a contract for Brown & Root
to build a huge Navy base at Corpus Christi.

Herman Brown and his friends were so pleased with Johnson's performance that in 1940 the young congressman was offered a share in very
lucrative oil properties with no money down. Johnson was told he could
pay for his share out of yearly profits. It was tantamount to a gift.
Brown was shocked when Johnson, who had been complaining of lack of
money, turned him down, saying the offer "would kill me politically."

Since both a House and Senate seat would come from Texas votes-a
reliable oil and gas constituency-Brown realized even at that time that
Johnson's true political goal was the presidency.

As a congressman, Johnson continued to perform for his oil and business mentors back in Texas. In 1941, Brown & Root obtained a lucrative
Navy contract to build four sub chasers, although, as George Brown was
to later recall: "We didn't know the stern from the aft-I mean the
bow-of the boat."

Just two days after Pearl Harbor, Johnson-who had been commissioned a lieutenant commander in the Navy Reserve some months
previously-was called to active duty, becoming the first congressman to
leave for military service.

After serving less than a year, Johnson arrived back in Washington after
Roosevelt called on all congressmen serving in the armed forces to return home.

His wartime service had won Johnson at least one solid ally. After a
period of cool relations due to Johnson's blatant ambitiousness, he again
was accepted by powerful House Speaker Sam Rayburn. Rayburn taught
Johnson his political philosophy, which he often repeated: "To get along,
you have to go along."

J. Evetts Haley, a critical biographer of Johnson, wrote: "Lyndon
became Rayburn's protege; their relationship a fusion of experience and
political sagacity with youthful ardor and enthusiasm, with no appreciable
enhancement of the ideals and ethics of either."

Johnson entered a race for the Senate in 1948. It was a close race
between Johnson, still identified with Roosevelt and the New Deal,
and conservative Texas governor Coke Stevenson, who managed to defeat
Johnson in the Democratic primary. However Stevenson didn't have a
clear majority, so a run-off election was called for August 28.

Due to slow communications and manual voting procedures, the election outcome was in doubt for several days. Finally on September 2,
Johnson went on radio with a "victory speech," which shocked the
confident Stevenson forces. Veteran Texas newsman Clyde Wantland wrote:

Their fears were validated the following day . . . when a source friendly
to Stevenson reported from Jim Wells County that Precinct 13 had been
recanvassed and a "correction" made favoring Johnson with 202 more
votes. Johnson's radio broadcast on Thursday thus became a reality on Saturday. Precinct 13 had been corrected from Johnson 765-60 to
Johnson 967-61. This gave him a lead of 87 votes, with returns now
complete and semi-official.