Early Dynastic Egypt (68 page)

THE FIRST CATARACT REGION

Southernmost Upper Egypt was always a border zone, separating the Egyptian and Nubian spheres of political and cultural influence. In the late Predynastic period, settlements of the Nubian A-Group are attested as far north as Kubania, some 18 kilometres north of Aswan. Moreover, pottery of Nubian origin, or made by potters working in the Nubian tradition, seems to have been relatively common in late

Predynastic Egyptian contexts in southernmost Upper Egypt, suggesting close cultural links between the First Cataract region and Nubia (Needier 1984:224). The earliest pottery assemblage from the settlement on Elephantine is predominantly Egyptian, but does include some A-Group Nubian material (Seidlmayer 1996b: 111). Trade between Egypt and Nubia is well attested in the late Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods (Takamiya 1994), and there is also evidence—in the cattle burials at Hierakonpolis (Hoffman 1982; B.Adams 1996) and Qustul, and the shared iconography of early kingship at both sites (Williams 1986, 1987)—for deeper cultural exchange between the late Predynastic polities of Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia.

Regional settlement and the resource base

Although occupying an important strategic position at Egypt’s southern boundary, and able to control the lucrative trade with Nubia and sub-Saharan Africa, the First Cataract region lacked the agricultural base associated with other important Upper Egyptian centres. The strip of cultivable land is extremely narrow in this part of the Nile valley, and early settlers took advantage of slight broadenings of the valley in desert embayments and wadi mouths. The distribution of late Predynastic cemeteries indicates that the region was characterised by a series of small villages, strung out along the river’s edge at intervals of about 6 kilometres (Seidlmayer 1996b: 113, plus references, 114, fig. 2). This pattern of settlement seems to have been seriously disrupted by the activities of the state on Elephantine at the very beginning of the Early Dynastic period, especially the construction of a fortress to guard Egypt’s southern frontier (Seidlmayer 1996b:113). Hence, it was Elephantine that dominated the region both economically and politically from the early First Dynasty. It is probably no coincidence that Elephantine lies close to the largest area of cultivable land in the region. This lay on the east bank, in the area now occupied by the modern city of Aswan. The islands of the First Cataract could have supported limited cultivation, but other sources of food seem to have been more important in the local subsistence economy. Hunting in the adjacent desert areas would have provided game, whilst animal bones from the settlement on Elephantine indicate that fish formed a significant element in the local diet (von den Driesch 1986; Katzmann 1990).

The riches of the First Cataract region ‘did not lie in bread but in stone’ (Seidlmayer 1996b:111). The granite outcrops which form such a prominent feature of the local topography were exploited in early times; the earliest monumental use of pink granite is the lining of Den’s burial chamber at Abydos. Various other crystalline rocks are available in the vicinity, and these were valued for stone vessel manufacture, an important craft activity in late Predynastic times. Stone vessels played a key part in the conspicuous consumption favoured by growing élites, and as the source of the necessary raw materials the First Cataract region must have been important. The combination of this factor and Elephantine’s strategic location for trade and defence guaranteed central interest—and interference—in the region from the very beginning of the Egyptian state.

Elephantine and the early state

An easily defended location, together with the factors outlined above, made Elephantine a natural focus for early settlement. Probably from Predynastic times, the island served as an entrepôt for prestige goods coming from sub-Saharan Africa via Nubia (Seidlmayer 1996b:111). Because Egyptian access to these trade routes was reinforced by sporadic punitive campaigns against indigenous groups (Needier 1967; Murnane 1987), Elephantine acquired a strategic importance as well (Seidlmayer 1996b:111). The site ‘gained its character as a town through the functions it took over on the national level’ (Seidlmayer 1996b:127). The construction of a fortress on the island at the beginning of the First Dynasty must have had a profound effect on the local community. The foundation, in the Third Dynasty, of an administrative complex tied to the royal estate probably had a significant impact on the local economy. However, despite heavy-handed state interference, ‘the local community retained the informal layout of the village and remained devoted to its temple as its ideological and organisational nucleus’ (Seidlmayer 1996b:127).

THE HIERAKONPOLIS REGION

The growth of the Hierakonpolis region during the Predynastic period has been the focus of much research and is fairly well understood. By contrast, the subsequent history of this part of Egypt during the Early Dynastic period is still rather obscure, although significant contributions have been made in recent years (notably Hoffman
et al.
1986). By combining the information derived from excavations at Elkab and Hierakonpolis, we can begin to sketch a picture of development for this part of southern Upper Egypt during the first three dynasties (Figure 10.1 ). Although the fates of the two sites were intertwined, the importance of each derives from a particular set of ecological and economic factors. Lying some 15 kilometres to the south of Hierakonpolis, on the west bank, the town of Edfu grew up during the Old Kingdom, eventually eclipsing Hierakonpolis as the main regional centre. The history of southern Upper Egypt during the Early Dynastic period and early Old Kingdom can be charted in the varying fortunes of these three sites.

Figure 10.1
Map of the Hierakonpolis region showing sites mentioned in the text (after Needier 1984: map 3). Capitals denote ancient place names.

The resource base

To the south of the Hierakonpolis region, at Gebel es-Silsila, the cliffs of the Nubian sandstone formation come close to the river, forming a pronounced constriction. South of this point, the more resistant nature of the rock causes the river to flow in a much narrower floodplain, greatly reducing the strip of cultivable land along the banks of the Nile. Hierakonpolis thus represents the southernmost point of agricultural productivity in Egypt (Bard 1987:90). However, the growth of the region during the Predynastic period resulted from a combination of advantages, strategic as well as agricultural.

In addition to an unusually large area of fertile floodplain (Fairservis 1971–2:10), the Hierakonpolis region offered other ecological advantages which made it particularly attractive for early settlement. In Predynastic times, the wide expanse of what is now low desert would have been less arid savannah, capable of supporting game as well as providing pasturage for livestock. The combination of arable and grazing land was clearly advantageous, and ‘the existence of a now defunct Nile channel close to the edge of the desert may have attracted settlers to an array of closely spaced ecozones’

(R.Friedman 1994:388–9; cf. Hoffman
et al.
1986:178). The presence of abundant fuel, desert clays and suitable locations for kilns favoured the development of large-scale pottery production (Hoffman 1984:237), an industry which reached industrial proportions as early as the Naqada I period. Hierakonpolis seems also to have developed as an important entrepôt for prestige goods imported from Nubia and the African hinterland, especially elephant ivory, ebony and gold (cf. Bard 1987:90–1). During the period of state formation, Hierakonpolis was a centre of production and distribution for Egyptian goods found in Lower Nubian A-Group graves, including the pottery known as ‘Late- ware’ or ‘Hard orange ware’ (Takamiya 1994; B.Adams 1995:21). Finally, the site of Hierakonpolis lies opposite the head of a major wadi system, the Wadi Abbad, which gave access to the mineral resources of the eastern desert, including gold-bearing rocks which were probably exploited in Predynastic times. This factor may have been a key one for the early importance of Hierakonpolis (Trigger, in Trigger
et al.
1983:39; R.Friedman 1994:389). Hierakonpolis thus had the agricultural base to support a substantial population, and the concentration of resources to produce a regular surplus. This in turn enabled craft specialisation. Ready access to raw materials and favourable sites for pottery manufacture provided further support for local industry; access to markets and a strategic location astride an important trade route encouraged economic activity.

In sharp contrast to the situation on the west bank, the strip of cultivable land in the vicinity of Elkab is extremely narrow. The present course of the Nile is probably not very different from that in ancient times. Then, as now, the town of Elkab seems to have been situated on the river’s edge. As a result, control of river traffic—rather than access to a large area of fertile floodplain—was one of the keys to the site’s prosperity. Moreover, the location of Elkab at the mouth of the Wadi Hellal permitted control of land routes as well (Hendrickx 1994:10). Elkab must therefore have been an important communications and transport node from Predynastic times. The Wadi Hellal also gave access to the wider wadi system of the eastern desert with its gold-bearing rocks. Gold was certainly dispatched via Elkab during historic times (Hendrickx 1994:10, quoting Helck 1975:126); whilst soda, also mined in the vicinity (Hendrickx 1994:10, quoting Lucas 1962:192–8), provided a further mineral resource. Whatever the benefits of raw materials and a strategic location, a site can enjoy little long-term viability without at least some agricultural potential. Although lacking in alluvial arable land, the population of Elkab did have access to grazing land, in the Wadi Hellal. The wadi appears to have supported limited pasturage as late as the end of the Old Kingdom, indicating that rainfall must have been considerably higher in ancient times. A savanna-type environment probably extended several kilometres along the wadi, providing hunting grounds. Rock drawings, some of which are likely to be Predynastic, show some of the game which lived in the area and which the local population hunted (Hendrickx 1994:10). Like its neighbour over the river, Elkab benefited from the twin blessings of a resource base (though with the emphasis on minerals rather than agricultural land) and a strategic location.

Changing patterns of settlement

The pattern of Predynastic settlement in and around Hierakonpolis is relatively well- established. Due to its unique combination of advantages, Hierakonpolis itself seems to have been the focus of regional settlement. No doubt a buoyant local economy and the

presence of a ceremonial centre attracted people from the surrounding region. Although there has been no systematic survey of the Hierakonpolis region beyond the limits of the American expedition’s concession, visits by members of the expedition to nearby desert- edge sites, local knowledge and an earlier archaeological-geological survey (Kaiser 1961b) all indicate that Hierakonpolis is the only significant Predynastic settlement in the area (Hoffman 1984:236). However, de Morgan’s survey of the region in 1906–7 and 1907–8 revealed at least 20 Predynastic and/or Early Dynastic sites between Esna and Gebel es-Silsila (Needier 1984; Bard 1987:81). This suggests that southern Upper Egypt was quite extensively settled during the Predynastic period (cf. Bard 1987:81), and subsequently experienced a nucleation of settlement at the beginning of the Early Dynastic period (in common with other regions of Egypt).

Adaïma was the largest site excavated by de Morgan, and is now the focus of ongoing excavations (Midant-Reynes
et al
1990, 1992, 1996). The cemetery was used continuously from late Naqada I to the beginning of the First Dynasty (Midant-Reynes
et al.
1992:141); continued activity into the Early Dynastic period is attested by the lithic assemblage, in particular a fragment of a large, bifacially ripple-flaked, flint knife (Needier 1984:83). On the east bank of the Nile, 12 kilometres north of Elkab, de Morgan reported a heavily plundered cemetery at es-Siba‘iya East which seems to have remained in use throughout much of the Early Dynastic period (Needier 1984:146). Indeed, a nearby children’s cemetery, largely unexplored, can be dated by its associated pottery to the middle of the First Dynasty. Only 5 kilometres north of Nekhen, a very large cemetery of over 200 graves was excavated at el-Mamariya (Needier 1984:90). It seems to have comprised two distinct areas: an earlier one dating to the Predynastic period (Naqada I–II) (Needier 1984:91), and a later one spanning the end of the First Dynasty and the Second Dynasty. In the southern part of the Hierakonpolis region, 7 kilometres north of Edfu, de Morgan excavated an Early Dynastic cemetery of about 100 tombs at el-Qara. His notebooks also mention a settlement at this site, but no investigations were made (Needier 1984:122).