India After Gandhi (153 page)

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Authors: Ramachandra Guha

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Bela Bhatia, ‘A Step Back in Sabarkantha’, Seminar, May 2002.
Anand Soondas, ‘Gujarat’s Children of a Lesser God’,
The Telegraph
(Kolkata), 13 March 2002; ‘Gujarat Villagers Set Terms for Muslims to Come Home’,
New Indian Express
, 6 May 2002.
Cf. Varadarajan, Gujarat, pp. 22f. For an insightful profile of Narendra Modi, see Sankarshan Thakur, ‘The Man Who Could Be Prime Minister’,
Man

s World
, December 2002.
Frontline
, 1 January 1993;
Sunday
, 13–19 December 1992;
India Today
, 31 December 1992.
Michael S. Serrill, ‘India: The Holy War’,
Time
, 21 December 1992.
The Times
, 7 and 8 December 1992.
Geoffrey Morehouse, ‘Chronicle of a Death Foretold’, the
Guardian
, 10 March 2001.
Paul R. Brass,
The Politics of India Since
Independence, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 353–4, 365–6, 348–9.

28. R
ULERS

Anon., ‘After Nehru . . .’,
Economic Weekly
, special issue, July 1958.
When, in a column in
The Hindu
newspaper, I quoted from this prescient essay, correspondents wrote in to suggest who the anonymous writer might be. One who read the essay when it first appeared speculated that it might have been Nehru himself. Another (and in my view more likely) candidate is Penderel Moon, the ex ICS officer who worked with the government of India for a decade after Independence before retiring to All Souls College, Oxford.
Cf. M. P. Singh and Rekha Saxena,
India at the Polls: Parliamentary Elections in the Federal Phase
(Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003).
E. Sridharan, ‘Coalition Strategies and the BJP’s Expansion, 1989–2004’,
Commonwealth and Comparative Politics
, vol. 43, no. 2, 2005.
See Rasheed Kidwai,
Sonia: A Biography
(New Delhi: Viking Penguin, 2003).
Harish Khare, ‘Reloading the Family Matrix’, Seminar, June 2003.
Sridharan, ‘Electoral Coalitions in 2004 General Elections: Theory and Evidence’,
Economic and Political
Weekly, 18 December 2004.
These paragraphs on the changes in the party system draw upon, among other works: E. Sridharan, ‘The Fragmentation of the Indian Party System, 1952–1999: Seven Competing Explanations’, in Zoya Hasan, ed.,
Parties and Party Politics in India
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002); Mahesh Rangarajan, ‘Congress in Crisis’, Seminar, January 2003; M. J. Akbar, ‘Prop and Proposition’,
Asian
Age, 13 July 2003; Giuseppe Flora, ‘The Crisis of 1989–1992: Some Reflections’, in K. N. Bakshi and F. Scialpi, eds,
India 1947

1997: Fifty Years of Independence
(Rome: Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 2002).
Robin Jeffrey, ‘“No Party Dominant”: India’s New Political System’, Himal, March 2002, p. 41.
These studies are summarized in Sunil Jain, ‘Vote Vajpayee’,
Business Standard
, 16 February 2004.
This account of the Cauvery dispute is based on S. Guhan,
The Cauvery River Water Dispute: Towards Conciliation
(Madras: Frontline, 1993); Ramaswamy R. Iyer,
Water: Perspectives, Issues, Concerns
(New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2003), chapter 3.
Ramaswamy R. Iyer, ‘Punjab Water Imbroglio’,
Economic and Political Weekly
, 31 July 2004; Satyapal Dang, ‘Amrinder Singh and River Water Dispute’,
Mainstream
, 4 September 2004.
See D. Bandyopadhyay, Saila K. Ghosh and Buddhadeb Ghosh, ‘Dependency versus Autonomy: Identity Crisis of India’s Panchayats’,
Economic and Political Weekly
, 20 September 2003.
For details, see Mahi Pal, ‘Panchayati Raj and Rural Governance: Experiences of a Decade’,
Economic and Political Weekly
, 10 January 2004.
See T. M. Thomas Isaac and Richard W. Franke,
Local Democracy and Development: People

s Campaign for Decentralized Planning in Kerala
(New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2000); Jos Chathukulam and M. S. John, ‘Five Years of Participatory Government in Kerala: Rhetoric and Reality’,
Economic and Political Weekly
, 7 December 2002.
Rashmi Sharma, ‘Kerala’s Decentralisation: Idea in Practice’,
Economic and Political Weekly,
6 September 2003; Pranab Bardhan and Dilip Mookherjee, ‘Poverty Alleviation Efforts of Panchayats in West Bengal’,
Economic and Political Weekly
, 28 February 2004; Arild Engelsen Ruud,
Poetics of Village Politics: The Making of West Bengal
’s Rural Communism (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003); Nirmal Mukharji and D. Bandopadhyay, ‘New Horizons for West Bengal Panchayats’, in Amitava Mukherjee, ed.,
Decentralization: Panchayats in the Nineties
(New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994).
There is a growing academic literature on these questions. See,
inter alia
, the essays by Niraja Gopal Jayal, Bishnu N. Mohapatra and Sudha Pai in the ‘Democracy and Social Capital’ special issue of
Economic and Political Weekly
, 24 February 2001; S. Sumathi and V. Sudarsen, ‘What Does the New Panchayat System Guarantee: A Case Study of Pappapatti’,
Economic and Political Weekly
, 20 August 2005.
Cf. the critique of Nehru’s views in Jaswant Singh,
Defending India
(Bangalore: Macmillan India, 1999), pp. 29, 39, 42–3, 57–8 etc.
Stephen P. Cohen,
India: Emerging Power
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 144–5.
Anupam Srivastava, ‘India’s Growing Missile Ambitions: Assessing the Technical and Strategic Dimensions’,
Asian Survey
, vol. 40, no. 2, 2000.
George Perkovich,
India

s Nuclear Bomb: The Impact on Global Proliferation
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 364–76.
Ibid., p. 412.
Quoted in Raj Chengappa,
Weapons of Peace: The Secret Story of India

s Quest to be a Nuclear Power
(New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 2000), pp. 51–2.
See Paul R. Dettman,
India Changes Course: Golden Jubilee to Millennium
(Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2001), pp. 41f.
Interview in Newsline (Karachi), June 1998.
Bhumitra Chakma, ‘Toward Pokharan II: Explaining India’s Nuclearisation Process’,
Modern Asian Studies
, vol. 39, no. 1, 2005.
For the links between the 1998 tests and India’s wider ambitions see Hilary Synnott,
The Causes and Consequences of South Asia

s Nuclear Tests
, Adelphi Paper 332 (London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1999); Ashok Kapur,
Pokharan and Beyond: India

s Nuclear Behaviour
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001). The arguments of the critics of India’s nuclear ambitions are collected in M. V. Ramana and C. Rammanohar Reddy, eds,
Prisoners of the Nuclear Dream
(Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003).
See the cover story in
India Today
, 1 March 1999.
On why and how Pakistan planned the Kargil operation, see Hasan Abbas,
Pakistan

s Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America

s War on Terror
(Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 2005), pp. 169–74; Owen Bennett Jones,
Pakistan: Eye of the Storm
(New Delhi: Viking, 2002), pp. 87ff.;Aijaz Ahmad, ‘The Many Roads to Kargil’,
Frontline
, 16 July 1999.
Praveen Swami,
The Kargil War
, revised edn (New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2000), pp. 10–11.
Rahul Bedi, ‘A Dismal Failure’, in S. Thakur et al.,
Guns and Yellow Roses: Essays on the Kargil War
(New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 1999), p. 142.
The course of the Kargil war is described in the works cited in notes 30 and 31 above, and in Srinjoy Chowdhury,
Despatches from Kargil
(New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2000).
Abbas,
Pakistan

s Drift into Extremism
, p. 174; interview with Nawaz Sharif in
India Today
, 26 July 2004.
Cf. news reports in the
Asian Age
, 4 July 1999;
The Telegraph
(Kolkata), 9 July 1999;
The Hindu
, 19 July 1999.
The Asian Age
, 6 July 1999;
The Hindu
, 4 July 1999.
Sarabjit Pandher, ‘Spirit of Nationalism Eclipses Memories of [Operation] Bluestar’,
The Hindu
, 16 June 1999.
‘Army Job Seekers Go Berserk’,
The Hindu
, 18 July 1999.
Sonia Jabbar, ‘Blood Soil: Chittisinghpora and After’, in Urvashi Butalia, ed.,
Speaking Peace: Women

s Voices from Kashmir
(New Delhi: Kali for Women, 2002), pp. 226f
There has been some dispute about the agents of the Chittisinghpora massacre. For the argument that the killers were recruited by Indian intelligence, which then sought to pin the blame on Pakistan, see Pankaj Mishra,
Temptations of the West: How to be Modern in India, Pakistan and Beyond
(London: Picador, 2006), pp. 197f. For the alternate point of view, namely, that the killers were militants who came in from Pakistan, see Praveen Swami, ‘Iron Veils: Reporting Sub-continental Warfare in India’, in Nalini Rajan, editor,
Practising Journalism: Values, Constraints, Implications
(New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2005).
My own conclusion that these were most likely freelancers from across the border, is guided, among other things, by a key piece of evidence provided by the survivors. This was that the killers spoke both Punjabi and Urdu. Now Urdu is spoken by many Muslims in the Indian State of Uttar Pradesh who, however, do not speak any Punjabi. And the only Punjabis who speak Urdu in the Indian State of Punjab would have had their schooling in that language before Partition. They would now be at least seventy years of age, and presumably in no position to trek over high hills to effect a mass murder. On the other hand, there are millions of able-bodied young men in Pakistan Punjab who speak both their mother tongue and the national language, Urdu.
 
As this book must have made quite clear by now, the Indian state has been guilty of many criminal acts in Jammu and Kashmir. But the massacre of the Sikhs in Chittisinghpora does not appear to be among them.
See Atal Behari Vajpayee, ‘Musings from Kumarakom’,
The Hindu
, 2 January 2001.
For a list of major terrorist strikes see the
Indian Express
, 7 April 2005.
Himal South Asian
, June 2002; Michael Krepon, ‘No Easy Exits’,
India Today
, 10 June 2002.
See
Hindustan Times
, 19 May 2002.
James Michael Lyngdoh,
Chronicle of an Impossible Election: The Election Commission and the 2002 Jammu and Kashmir Assembly Elections
(New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2004), pp. 129, 141–2, 149–50, 180–1 etc.
Rekha Chowdhury and Nagendra Rao, ‘Kashmir Elections 2002: Implications for Politics of Separatism’,
Economic and Political Weekly
, 4 January 2003.
Quoted in the
Times of India
, 26 September 2003.

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