Lethal Trajectories (6 page)

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Authors: Michael Conley

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Uh-oh, here it comes,
Burkmeister thought as he responded, “What would that be, Mr. Chairman?”

“I would humbly ask that you weigh all the evidence before taking an official position one way or another. I’m sure you will be pressured to react strongly against China by some, and, indeed, you may eventually come to the conclusion that that is what you must do. I believe you are a fair man, Mr. Burkmeister, and only ask that you consider my request.”

That’s it? Just weigh the facts before responding? I was going to do that anyway.
It wouldn’t take long to respond to this modest request.

“That sounds like a perfectly reasonable request to me, Mr. Chairman, and you have my word that the United States will remain neutral until we can fully evaluate the situation.”

“I appreciate that, Mr. President. Your patience will help me keep the Politburo in line and avoid a potential conflict between our countries that neither of us wants.” Burkmeister could sense the sincerity of Lin’s remarks and felt a personal kinship with him.

“Thank you, Mr. Chair …” Burkmeister started to say before a knife-like stomach spasm took his breath away.

“Are you okay, Mr. President?” Lin asked with concern.

“Yes, yes, I’m perfectly fine and sorry for the interruption,” he responded with embarrassment. “I just spilled a hot a cup of coffee on my lap as we were talking,” he added, hoping the chairman believed his little white lie.

“I would like to suggest, Mr. President, that we consider installing a hotline between our two offices. It would logistically and symbolically solidify the dialogue that may be required between our countries as we work through the Chunxiao problem.”

“Yes, that makes perfect sense to me. I’ll authorize it on this end. And I’d like to ask, Mr. Chairman, what does China intend to do now with respect to Japan?”

“Unless provoked, we will avoid taking any military action. We will expel their ambassador and freeze all assets until we are compensated by Japan, but we hope to take our requests to the United Nations for resolution.”

“Thank you, Chairman Lin,” Burkmeister responded with relief, “that sounds like a reasoned approach we can certainly agree with. I’ll be meeting with my people shortly, and I would hope to get back to you within twenty-four hours with anything we might suggest.”

The two world leaders closed their conversation on a pleasant note. President Burkmeister left for the Situation Room with thoughts of how easy it had been to deal with Lin as compared to the aggressive and demanding Sato.

The president was pleased to see the full NSC assembled and waiting for him as he walked into the Situation Room at eight o’clock sharp. The question on everyone’s mind was what had been said to the leaders of Japan and China. He kept them waiting while he went around the room for updates from each team member. Secretary of State Cartright’s report on Prime Minister Sato’s inflammatory speech to the Japanese nation was of particular interest.

“The Prime Minister called it a matter of ‘grave concern,’” Cartright said. “His official story is that a Japanese destroyer inadvertently strayed into Chinese waters and was fired upon and sunk, along with two oil platforms, a drilling ship, and one other naval vessel. He said the Japanese destroyer heroically returned fire on China’s platform and sank it, but at considerable loss of Japanese lives. The Chinese reacted, he said, with disproportionate and excessiv force, and their actions have caused Japan to go to the highest military alert, including calling up reserves. Japan will freeze all Chinese assets, expel China’s ambassador, and petition the United Nations for condemnation of and full restitution from China.”

“Thank you, Elizabeth,” Burkmeister said. “Let me pick up the story from there,”

“I received the expected phone call from Prime Minster Sato at eleven o’clock last night, and I just talked to Chairman Lin Cheng a few minutes ago. I was taken aback by the content and tone of both conversations—a flip-flop of the positions I had expected each to take.

“Prime Minister Sato began with a tirade on China. His story was pretty much along the lines of what Elizabeth reported, but I refrained from telling him that our intelligence confirmed the
Harakaze
intrusion as deliberate. He invoked the 1960 Treaty of Mutual Cooperation between our two countries and requested—almost demanded—our assistance in dealing with China. I asked him what he meant by ‘assistance,’ and he said it should include diplomatic and financial sanctions, naval support from the Seventh Fleet, and support for their case in the United Nations.” He checked his notes before continuing.

“I reminded him that the 1960 treaty had been more or less abrogated by Japan over the past fifteen years, starting with our expulsion from Okinawa. We were told in no uncertain terms by Japan then that they had a navy and armed forces and no longer wanted or needed American support. At that point, he suggested the United States sell Japan the amount of oil lost from their sunken platforms—as though we have an abundance of oil to export.” Burkmeister felt his temper rising as he recalled this part of the conversation with Sato.

“He then made a not-so-subtle threat that Japan might rethink its investments in American treasuries and other financial interests if we were not willing to fully back them as one of our oldest allies. Needless to say, that really burned me. But my official response was ‘Mr. Prime Minister, you have to do what is best for your country, just as I have to do what’s best for mine. For now, I simply can’t agree to your requests until we get more information and have had a chance to digest it.'” They all nodded in agreement as he continued.

“I suggested we might be of greater assistance to Japan by remaining neutral, as it would give us access to China—access that Japan no longer has. I also said we would bolster the Seventh Fleet to protect American interests in the area and asked that he keep me apprised of any new developments. It was not a pleasant conversation, and my sense was that Sato knew Japan was negotiating from a weak position and was trying to bluff his way into a better deal.”

Burkmeister paused, cleared his throat, took a large sip of water, and again felt a deep, stabbing pain in his stomach. He made a mental note to check this out with Doc Toomay right after the meeting.

“Surprisingly, my conversation with Chairman Lin Cheng had a conciliatory and collegial tone,” Burkmeister said, recovering from his spasm.

After briefing them on his conversation with Lin Cheng and chairing an intense hour of discussion, the president said, “All right, people, we need to wind this meeting down. Let me quickly summarize what I think we agreed upon: First, the United States will remain neutral until all facts and circumstances can be fully ascertained and verified. Second, we’ll urge both sides to cease military action and instead take their dispute to the United Nations for peaceful resolution. Third, we’ll offer our good offices and best-faith efforts as an intermediary to bring a peaceful resolution to the Chunxiao Incident. Last, we’ll reinforce the Seventh Fleet and make sure any would-be aggressors know we’ll have zero tolerance for anyone trying to take advantage of the Chunxiao situation. If that about sums it up, I’d like you, Admiral, to craft a statement I can read in the Rose Garden at eleven thirty today.”

The president hastily adjourned the meeting and almost ran down the hallway to his private restroom around the corner. He bent over the sink with a coughing spasm that left him breathless and disgorged an enormous amount of bile. He wiped his face with a wet towel and was horrified to see blood on the towel and in the sink. He carefully rinsed out the sink and then just stood there, looking at his own haggard face and bloodshot eyes in the mirror. He wondered,
What is happening to me?

As he left the restroom, he knew his next call would be to Rear Admiral John Toomay, his resident physician.

The Rose Garden
14 September 2017

President Burkmeister glanced again at his notes and the statement he would read in the Rose Garden in just a few minutes. The pills that Doc Toomay had given him following a quick physical only an hour or so ago were starting to take effect, and he was feeling much better.

He tried not to dwell on what Dr. Toomay had said, but the good doctor had forced him to realize it might be something far more serious than indigestion. He had not noticed his jaundiced skin and eyes until Doc Toomay had pointed it out to him, and the fatigue and acute stomach pains, which he had chalked up to the stresses of the job, might indeed be symptoms of something far worse.

One of the things he had learned early in his presidency was to compartmentalize the problems and challenges he faced. He broke challenges down into easily digestible, bite-sized units to avoid being overwhelmed by the magnitude of the job. His unit of work now was to make a Rose Garden statement on the Chunxiao Incident, and in this effort he was aided by Doc Toomay’s pills.

The rain had stopped, and the overcast skies left a refreshing chill in the air as he walked out to find the Rose Garden packed with reporters. With his entire NSC team in the background, he read the statement developed and prepared in the Situation Room. To the complete surprise of his team, who knew he was not feeling well, he said, “I’d be happy to take a few questions at this time regarding the Chunxiao Incident.”

“Have you had a chance to talk to the leaders of Japan and China, Mr. President?” asked an SNS reporter.

“Yes, I have spoken to both Prime Minister Sato Itsuke and Chairman Lin Cheng and, needless to say, both leaders were deeply concerned about where this thing could go.”

“Mr. President,” asked a
Wall Street Journal
reporter, “the New York financial markets have plunged over four percent since the opening bell, and oil prices have jumped from $231 to over $265 per barrel. Can you comment on what government policy might be in light of these developments?”

“I’m aware of the markets and concerned with where they could go. Keep in mind, the Chunxiao Incident happened only twenty-four hours ago, and we’re still trying to assess the situation. Oil shortages, unfortunately, have been with us constantly over the past five years, and we have learned many times that a disruption of any kind in the oil supply will have a negative impact on the markets and oil prices. The fact that two major powers are involved is bound to roil the markets—no way around that. I’d remind the American people that our oil reserves are well secured and the Chunxiao Incident—serious as it is—will have only a negligible effect on global oil supply. Short answer is that it’s too early to say what, if anything, the government will do.”

“Could you elaborate, Mr. President, on the timelines and future directions American policy might take if the conflict over Chunxiao drags on?” asked a Fox News reporter.

“I don’t think it’s prudent to speculate on hypothetical events at this time. As I mentioned earlier, America will protect its interests in the Pacific and do whatever it can to bring about an amicable solution, but it’s simply too early to speculate on what forms those solutions might take.”

“Mr. President, there have been rumblings about conflicts within OPEC and within and among Middle Eastern governments. Are you concerned with the impact the Chunxiao situation might have in these areas or the direction of Western policy?”

President Burkmeister paused for a moment before answering. He had growing concerns about the intelligence reports coming out of Saudi Arabia, but he did not want to give the media any hint of his concern. The tempo of his answer slowed.

“Having open access to OPEC oil and maintaining peace and stability in the Middle East are matters of utmost concern to the United States and our allies. The common denominator, let’s be honest, is oil. The Chunxiao Incident occurred several thousand miles away from the nearest OPEC producer, and the amount of oil produced there is infinitesimal compared to what OPEC produces; it’s unlikely the incident would adversely impact OPEC. Clearly, the United States is committed to protecting the diminishing supply of global oil, and we would hope that the Chunxiao Incident is not seen as an opportunity by any nation or group to exploit an already tense situation for private gain.”

“Mr. President, Senator Tom Collingsworth, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said he was concerned that your administration would waffle in its support of Japan, our long-time Pacific ally. Your ‘wait and see’ statement could be seen as confirming his concerns. Can you comment on this, sir?”

“The chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee,” he said, too irritated to even acknowledge Collingsworth’s name, “has the luxury of making such injudicious statements before knowing all the facts. As president, I don’t have that luxury. I can’t just take a ‘ready, fire, aim’ position as the chairman seems to take, and I might advise him to ease up until he knows all the facts. For now, I’ll stand by my opening statement.” Mentally, he rolled his eyes, thinking,
That
Washington Post
reporter will be thrilled knowing she now has a week’s worth of controversy to write about.

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