Mary Tudor (55 page)

50. Jane Seymour, Henry’s third wife and the mother of his son, Edward. Painted in 1537 by an unknown artist. © Ripon Cathedral.

51. Funeral effigy of Elizabeth Blount, Lady Tailboys, Henry’s mistress and the mother of his son Henry Fitzroy. © Elizabeth Norton & The Amberley Archive.

52. A lady, supposed to be Mary at the age of about seventeen. By Hans Holbein, in the Royal Collection. © Elizabeth Norton & The Amberley Archive.

53. Henry VIII’s will, dated 30 December 1546. It was signed with stamp rather than the sign manual, which was to cause problems in the future. © Jonathan Reeve JRCD2b20p961 15501600.

54. Lady Anne Shelton, Anne Boleyn’s aunt, and the governess of the household for the two princesses in 1533-4. From a stained glass window in Shelton church. © Elizabeth Norton & The Amberley Archive.

55. Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots. Mary came to the throne of Scotland at just over a week old, in December 1542. Her claim to the English succession was ignored in Henry VIII’s final Succession Act of 1544. © Jonathan Reeve JR996b66fp68 15001600.

56. Edward VI as a child, playing with a pet monkey. A painting by Holbein in the Kunstmuseum at Basle. © Elizabeth Norton & The Amberley Archive.

57. Wolsey dismissed by Henry VIII. An imaginative Victorian reconstruction. © Jonathan Reeve JR1092b20fp896 15001550.

58. A view of Greenwich Palace, from a drawing by Anthony van Wyngaerde, (
c
.1550) in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. © Jonathan Reeve JR944b46fp180 14501500.

59. A page from a book of hours (prayer book) once owned by Mary. © Jonathan Reeve JR2143b97plate6 13001350.

^[1]
Andrea C. Gasten, ‘The Kingship of Philip and Mary’, in Wim de Groot (ed.)
The Seventh Window
(2005), pp. 215-25.

^[2]
They had married in 1468, when they were the heirs to their respective kingdoms. J. H. Hillgarth,
The Spanish Kingdoms
,
1250–1516
(2 Vols, 1978).

^[3]
For a full discussion of these celebrations and their significance, see Sydney Anglo,
Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy
(1969), pp. 98-103.

^[4]
It was the consummation that created the blood relationship, not the ceremony of marriage, which constituted only a bar of ‘public honesty’. Perhaps by oversight, this lesser impediment was not dispensed.

^[5]
Garrett Mattingly,
Catherine of Aragon
(1942), pp. 57-9. In spite of its age, this is still the best biography of Catherine.

^[6]
Edward Hall,
The Union of the two noble and Illustre families Yorke and Lancaster
, ed. Henry Ellis (1809), [
Chronicle
] p. 519.

^[7]
Cal. Span
., ii, 164. J. J. Scarisbrick,
Henry VIII
(1968), p. 51.

^[8]
BL Harleian MS 3504, f. 232.

^[9]
This treaty was finally concluded in August 1521. BL Cotton MS Galba B VII, f 102.
L&P
, iii, 1508.

^[10]
L&P
, ii, 3802. D. Loades,
Mary Tudor: A Life
(1989), pp. 346-7.

^[11]
L&P
, iii, 970.

^[12]
Mattingly,
Catherine of Aragon
, pp. 140-1.

^[13]
De institutione foeminae christinae
contained a preface clarifying Vives’s intentions. ‘Let her be given pleasure in stories which teach the art of life … stories which tend to some commendation of virtue and detestation of vice.’ Maria Dowling,
Humanism in the Age of Henry VIII
(1987), p. 225.

^[14]
Loades,
Mary Tudor
, pp. 20-1.

^[15]
G. R. Elton,
The Tudor Constitution
(1982), pp. 202-3. S. J. Gunn,
Early Tudor Government, 1485–1558
(1995).

^[16]
Although Mary is referred to as princess, there was no official creation for Wales between 1504 (Henry) and 1610 (Henry Stuart). A creation was planned for Edward in 1547, but was overtaken by Henry VIII’s death.

^[17]
W. R. B. Robinson, ‘Princess Mary’s Itinerary in the Marches of Wales, 1525–1527: A Provisional Record’,
Historical Research
, 71 (1998), pp. 233-52.

^[18]
Ibid, pp. 248-9.

^[19]
A parliamentary subsidy had been granted in 1523, and resistance to this new imposition proved unbreakable. Henry’s confidence in Wolsey was severely shaken in consequence. G. W. Bernard,
War, Taxation, and Rebellion in Early Tudor England
(1986).

^[20]
Robert Wakefield is the scholar who is alleged to have convinced the king of this important interpretation. E. Surtz and V Murphy (eds),
The Divorce Tracts of Henry VIII
(1988), p. xiii.

^[21]
Andre Chastel (trans. Beth Archer),
The Sack of Rome, 1527
(1983).

^[22]
Loades,
Mary Tudor
, p. 45.

^[23]
This was the so-called ‘Levirate’, which required a man to take the widow of his deceased brother in marriage in order to protect her. Henry claimed that this was ‘ambiguous’. Surtz and Murphy,
The Divorce Tracts of Henry VIII
, p. xiii.

^[24]
Scarisbrick,
Henry VIII
, pp. 198-240.

^[25]
Loades,
Mary Tudor
, p. 55.

^[26]
For a full discussion of the pros and (mostly) cons of Wolsey’s dismissal, see Peter Gwynn,
The King’s Cardinal: The Rise and Fall of Thomas Wolsey
(1990, pp. 587-98.

^[27]
An account of some of these sharp exchanges is given in Eric Ives,
Anne Boleyn
(1986), pp. 154-5, drawing mainly on
Cal. Ven
., 1527–33.

^[28]
Loades,
Mary Tudor
, p. 61. Augustino Scarpellino to the Duke of Milan, 16 December 1530.
Cal. Ven.
, 1527–33, p. 642.

^[29]
Beverley Murphy,
The Bastard Prince
(2001), pp. 107-8.

^[30]
N. H. Nicolas,
The Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII
(1827), p.146.

^[31]
Loades,
Mary Tudor
, pp. 78-9. Mattingly,
Catherine of Aragon
, pp. 292-3.

^[32]
The implications of this claim, and its rejection, are discussed by Scarisbrick,
Henry VIII
, pp. 261-73.

^[33]
L&P
, VII, 296. Ives,
Anne Boleyn
, pp. 246-8.

^[34]
These charges were based on the fiction that Wolsey had exercised his jurisdiction without royal licence. The convocations paid the king £118,000 for their discharge. TNA KB29/162, r.12. Scarisbrick,
Henry VIII
, pp. 274-5.

^[35]
In order to secure a settlement in England, Henry had to be sure of his control over his own clergy. Scarisbrick, ‘The Pardon of the Clergy, 1531’,
Cambridge Historical Journal
, XII (1956) pp. 25 ff.

^[36]
The Manner of the Triumph at Calais and Boulogne
(1532), printed in A. F. Pollard,
Tudor Tracts
(1903), pp. 1-8. This describes ‘My Lady Mary’ as following ‘My Lady Marquess of Pembroke’ in one of the dances. Pollard identifies this lady as Mary Boleyn – but the intention was obviously to give the impression that the king’s daughter had been present.

^[37]
Diarmaid MacCulloch,
Thomas Cranmer
(1996), pp. 69-76.

^[38]
The Noble Triumphant Coronation of Queen Anne
(1533). Pollard,
Tudor Tracts
, pp. 11-35.

^[39]
Letters and Papers
, VII, 1208.

^[40]
Giustinian to the Signory,13 March 1533,
Cal. Ven
.,
1527–33
, p. 863.

^[41]
Loades,
Mary Tudor
, p. 72.

^[42]
BL Harleian MS 6807, f. 7.

^[43]
L&P
, VI, 1186. Loades,
Mary Tudor
, pp. 74-5.