Return Engagement (52 page)

Chattering, the sailors went back to their regular duties. Sam went up onto the flight deck, braving the sun for a chance to look around. Nothing special was going on. He liked that better than rushing up to jury-rig repairs after a bomb hit while enemy fighters shot up his ship. All he saw were vast sky and vaster sea, the
Remembrance
’s supporting flotilla off in the near and middle distance. A couple of fighters buzzed overhead, one close enough to let him see the USA’s eagle’s head in front of crossed swords.

And a pair of albatrosses glided along behind the
Remembrance.
They really did look almost big enough to land. He wondered what they thought of the great ship. Or were they too birdbrained to think at all?

But this was their home. Men came here only to fight. That being so, who really were the birdbrains here?

F
lora Blackford’s countrymen had often frustrated her. They elected too many Democrats when she was convinced sending more Socialists to Powel House and to Congress and to statehouses around the United States would have served the country better. But she’d never imagined they could ignore large-scale murder, especially large-scale murder by the enemy in time of war.

Whether she’d imagined it or not, it was turning out to be true. She’d done just what she told Al Smith she would do: she’d trumpeted the Confederacy’s massacres of Negroes as loudly and as widely as she could. She’d shown the photographs Caesar had risked his life to bring into the USA.

And she’d accomplished . . . not bloody much. She’d got a little ink in the papers, a little more in the weekly newsmagazines. And the public? The public had yawned. The most common response had been,
Who cares what the Confederates are doing at home? We’ve got enough problems on account of what they’re doing to us right here.

She shook her head. No, actually that wasn’t the most common response. She would have known how to counter it. And even a response like that would have meant people in the USA were talking about and thinking about what was going on in the CSA. Against silence, against indifference, what could she do?

Confederate wireless hadn’t called her a liar. The Freedom Party’s mouthpieces hadn’t bothered. Instead, they’d started yelling and screaming and jumping up and down about what they called the USA’s “massacre of innocents” in Utah. They didn’t bother mentioning that the Mormons had risen in rebellion.

Flora’s mouth twisted as she sat in her office. She supposed the Confederates might claim Negroes had risen in rebellion against Richmond. As far as she was concerned, that served Richmond right. The Confederate States oppressed and repressed their blacks. The United States had given the Mormons full equality—and they’d risen anyhow.

Besides, the Mormons who died died in combat. The Confederates seemed to have set up special camps to dispose of their Negroes. Gather them in one place, get rid of them, and then bring in a fresh batch and do it again. It all struck her as being as efficient as a factory. If Henry Ford had decided to produce murders instead of motorcars, that was how he would have gone about it.

Bertha knocked on the office door, which took her out of her unhappy reverie. “Yes?” she said, a little relieved—or maybe more than a little—to return to the here and now.

Her secretary looked in. “The Assistant Secretary of War is here, Congresswoman.”

“Oh, yes. Of course.” Flora shook her head again. It was eleven o’ clock. She’d had this appointment for days. This whole business with those photos really was making her forget everything else. “Please tell him to come in.”

“All right.” Bertha turned away. “Go on in, Mr. Roosevelt, sir.” She held the door open so he could.

“Thank you very much,” Franklin Roosevelt said as he propelled his wheelchair past her and into Flora’s office. He was only distantly related to Theodore Roosevelt, and a solid Socialist rather than a Democrat like his more famous cousin. He did seem to have some of his namesake’s capacity for getting people to pay attention to him when he said things.

“Good to see you, Mr. Roosevelt.” Flora stood up, came around the desk, and held out her hand.

When Franklin Roosevelt took it, his engulfed hers. He had big hands, wide shoulders, and a barrel chest that went well with the impetuous, jut-jawed patrician good looks of his face. But his legs were shriveled and useless in his trousers. More than twenty years earlier, he’d come down with poliomyelitis. He hadn’t let it stop him, but it had slowed him down. Some people said he might have been President if not for that mishap.

“Can I have Bertha bring you some coffee?” Flora asked.

“That would be very pleasant, thanks,” Roosevelt replied in a resonant baritone.

“I’d like a cup, too, Bertha, if you don’t mind,” Flora said. She and Roosevelt made small talk over the steaming cups for a little while. Then she decided she might as well get to the point, and asked, “What can I do for you today?”

“Well, I thought I would come by to thank you for your excellent work on publicizing the outrages the Confederate States are committing against their Negroes,” Roosevelt answered.

“You did?” Flora could hardly believe her ears. “To tell you the truth, I’d begun to wonder if anyone noticed.”

“Well, I did,” Roosevelt said. “And you can rest assured that the Negroes who are fighting for justice in the CSA have noticed, too. The War Department has made a point of being careful to let them know the government of the United States sympathizes with them in their ordeal.”

“I . . . see,” Flora said slowly. “I didn’t say what I said for propaganda purposes.”

“I know that.” Roosevelt beamed at her from behind small, metal-framed spectacles. “It only makes things better. It shows we understand what they’re suffering and want to do something about it.”

“Does it?” Flora had held in her bitterness since discovering she couldn’t even raise a tempest in a teapot. Now it came flooding out: “Is that what it shows, Mr. Roosevelt? Forgive me, but I have my doubts. Doesn’t it really show that a few of us may be upset, but most of us couldn’t care less? What the Confederate States are doing is a judgment on them. And how little it matters here is a judgment on us.”

Franklin Roosevelt pursed his lips. “You may be right. That may be what it really shows,” he said at last. “But what the Negroes in the CSA think it shows also counts. If they think the United States are on their side, they’ll struggle harder against the CSA and the Freedom Party. That could be important to the war. When you play these games, what people believe is often as important as what’s really so. I’m sure you’ve seen the same thing in your brand of politics.”

Flora studied him. That was either the most brilliant analysis she’d ever heard—or the most breathtakingly cynical one. For the life of her, she couldn’t decide which. Maybe it was both at once. Was that better or worse? She couldn’t make up her mind there, either.

Roosevelt smiled. When he did, she wanted to believe him. When Jake Featherston talked, people wanted to believe
him.
Roosevelt had some of the same gift. How much had poliomyelitis taken away from the country?

Or, considering to whom she’d just compared him, how much had it spared the country? Either way, no one would ever know.

“You see?” he said.

With his eyes twinkling at her, she wanted to see things his way. “Maybe,” she said, though she hadn’t expected to admit even that much. “It hardly seems fair, though, to use them for our purposes when they’re so downtrodden. They’ll grab at anything they see floating by.” She realized she’d just mixed a metaphor. Too late to worry about it now.

“This is a war,” Roosevelt said. “You use the weapons that come to hand. The Confederates have used the Mormons. The British and the Japanese have both worked hard to rouse the Canadians against us. Should we waste a chance to make the Confederates have to fight to keep order in their own country? Isn’t that a choice that would live in infamy?” He thrust out his chin.

He had a point, or part of one. Flora said, “In that case, we shouldn’t let the Negroes in the CSA live on hope and promises. If they’re going to fight Confederate soldiers and Freedom Party goons, they ought to have the guns to make it a real fight. Otherwise, we just set them up to be massacred.”

“We
are
sending them guns, as we can,” Roosevelt replied. “They do live in another country, you know. Smuggling in weapons isn’t always easy. We did some in the Great War. We can do more now, because we can drop more from bombers. It’s less than I would like, but it’s better than nothing. If we give them the tools, they can finish the job.”

Finish the job? It was a fine phrase, but Flora didn’t believe it. Blacks in the Confederate States would always be outnumbered and outgunned. They could rebel. They could cause endless trouble to the whites in the CSA. They couldn’t hope to beat them.

Could they hope to live alongside them? That would take changes from both whites and blacks. Flora wished she thought such changes were likely. When she asked Franklin Roosevelt whether he did, he shook his head. “I wish I could tell you yes,” he said. “But if people are going to change, there has to be a willingness on both sides to do it. I don’t see that there. What Negroes want is very far removed from what whites will give.”

Flora sighed. “I’m afraid it seems that way to me, too. I was hoping you might tell me something different.”

“I’d be happy to, if you want me to lie,” Roosevelt said. “I thought you would rather have a straight answer.”

“And I would,” Flora said. “I tell you frankly, I would also like to have the executive branch say some of the things I’m saying. If it did, the Negroes in the Confederate States might have some real reason to hope.”

“I have two things to say about that,” Roosevelt replied. “The first is that if you want to persuade the executive branch to say anything in particular, you need to persuade the President, not the Assistant Secretary of War.”

“President Smith has a view of this matter somewhat different from mine,” Flora said unhappily.

Roosevelt shrugged those broad shoulders. “That’s between you and him, then, not between you and me. The other thing I would tell you, though, is that you should watch what the administration does, not just what it says. I am sure the President has his reasons for not wanting to make the sort of statement you wish he would. You may not agree with them, but he has them. No matter what he
says,
we are
doing
what we can to arm Negroes in the Confederate States. If they can fight back, they’re less likely to be slaughtered, don’t you think?”

Carefully, Flora said, “I wish we were doing it for reasons of justice and not just for political and military considerations.”

When Teddy Roosevelt’s cousin shook his head, he showed a lot of his more famous namesake’s bulldog determination. “There, meaning no offense, I have to say I disagree with you. Whenever someone talks about doing something for reasons of justice, you should put your hand in your pocket, because you’re about to get it picked. That’s not always true—your own career proves as much—but it’s the way to bet.”

“Thank you for making the exception,” Flora murmured, wondering if he really meant it.

“Any time,” he said cheerfully. He was too smart to make any protestations that he had. She wouldn’t have believed those. Instead, he went on, “Political and military reasons are the ones you should rely on, if you care to know what I think. They have self-interest behind them, and that makes them likely to last. Principles are pretty, but they go stale a lot faster.”

Again, Flora wondered whether that was wisdom or some of the most appalling cynicism she’d ever heard. Again, she had a devil of a time coming up with an answer.

T
he more Clarence Potter learned about the intelligence assets the Confederates had in place in the USA, the more he respected his predecessors. Some of the people who contrived to send word south of the border had been quietly working in the U.S. War Department and Navy Department and Department of State since before the Great War broke out. Most of the time, they were what they pretended to be all the time: clerks and bookkeepers who did their jobs and didn’t worry about anything else. They did their jobs, all right, but every now and then they did worry about something else.

Seeing what they did also made Potter worry about something else. He dared not assume U.S. spymasters were any less clever than those on his own side. That made him wonder who in the C.S. War Department had ways to get word of this, that, or the other thing to the damnyankees. Who was in the C.S. State Department but not fully of it?

Trying to find out wasn’t his province. He had plenty to keep his own plate full—not least those reports that came out of Philadelphia and Washington. They helped confirm what he’d suspected for some time: that the United States were getting ready to try an offensive of their own, and that Virginia, the obvious target, was the one they had in mind.

But he did do what anyone who’d spent a while in government service would have done: he wrote a memorandum. He sent it to his opposite number in Counterintelligence, and sent a copy to Nathan Bedford Forrest III as chief of the Confederate General Staff. He thought about sending a copy to Jake Featherston, too, but decided against it—that would be going over too many people’s heads.

Instead of having the President descend on him like a ton of bricks, then, he had the head of the General Staff pay him the same kind of call. Potter jumped to his feet and saluted when Forrest barged into his office unannounced. Nathan Bedford Forrest III was not a man to cross, any more than his great-grandfather was said to have been.

“At ease,” Forrest said, and then, “By God, General, once I started looking at your note, I started doubting whether anybody here would ever be at ease again.”

“One of the things we’ve found out over and over again, sir, is that anything we can do to the Yankees, they can damn well do to us,” Potter said. “We didn’t believe it in the Great War, and look at the price we paid for that.” Part of the price the Confederate States had paid was Jake Featherston. Potter still thought so, but not even he was bold enough to say so out loud.