The Great Pierpont Morgan (2 page)

Not wholly a relaxing year for a man of seventy-five; and now Pierpont Morgan was in Washington again to face a new set of congressional inquisitors, with their elaborate charts designed to show how a network of influence and control reached from 23 Wall Street, the headquarters of J. P. Morgan and Co., by way of banks and trust companies and the directorates of industrial corporations, throughout the whole structure of American business.

He had been very tired during the preceding days in New York, when his partners and the firm's lawyers had tried to brief him on what he should say. They took a dark view of the impending proceedings, which they looked upon as insolent, crafty, and no doubt inspired by the lowest motives of personal ambition on the part of the congressional investigators; and Morgan himself was depressed. As his son-in-law later wrote, “His feeling about this examination in Washington was that the people down there were going to ‘make a show' of him.… The more his counsel warned him about possible plots and pitfalls, the more annoyed and apprehensive he got. For him the trip down to Washington was not a pleasant one, and at the hotel after dinner he told the lawyers he needed a rest and devoted himself to his cards.” In moments of anxiety or crisis solitaire had always been his recourse; there was something that responded to his inner constructiveness in this creation of order out of haphazard disorder.

The next morning he traveled to the Capitol in a big square-topped limousine and walked beside his daughter Louisa and his son Jack through the staring crowds to the committee room—an old-fashioned figure in a heavy velvet-collared overcoat and high silk hat, walking slowly, with a stick. The committee room was packed, and the crowd outside was kept in order by policemen. Presently the examination
of the day's chief witness began, following the traditional formula.

Q. Where do you reside, Mr. Morgan?

A. New York City.

Q. Are you senior member of the partnership or firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., bankers, of New York City?

A. I am, sir.…

Q. Does your New York house do a general banking business?

A. We try to, sir.

Slowly the examination unfolded. It was as if—through the agency of the Pujo Committee—the American public were asking this man, at the close of his extraordinary life, “Tell us, before it is too late—have you really controlled American business? And if so, how is it done? And do you think it right that any man, in a republic which hopes to be a genuine democracy, should wield such authority?”

3

Samuel Untermyer, counsel for the Pujo Committee, a shrewd and well-prepared lawyer, conducted the examination. Morgan's son and daughter and his partners and lawyers were uneasy lest the old man break down under Untermyer's questioning. They need not have been. Morgan was a direct and co-operative if singularly determined witness. He took no refuge in the evasions or lapses of memory or vague circumlocutions which often afflict business executives when they confront congressional committees. He answered clearly and stoutly; when he could not remember a fact or figure he said he would be glad to have it looked up and produced for the committee later. And he spoke with completely satisfied assurance.

When Untermyer, having established that some seventy-eight interstate corporations carried bank accounts with J. P. Morgan & Co., and that their deposits totaled over eighty-one million dollars, asked Morgan if he thought it was a wise thing to permit publicly owned corporations to make deposits with a private banker, he answered firmly, “I do, sir.” Untermyer further brought out that a great many railroad corporations had made J. P. Morgan & Co. their fiscal agent,
so that the Morgan firm had become the designated channel through which these railroads must sell all their securities to the public, and thus had become also their sole source of investment funds; and Untermyer went on to ask, “Don't you think it would be better for these great interstate railroad corporations if they were entirely free to sell their securities in open competition than that they should be tied to any banking house, however just might be its methods in the issue of such securities?” Morgan answered, “I should not think so.” When he was asked whether the fact that there were a few men (such as Morgan himself and his partners) who served on the boards of directors of many banks did not tend to prevent those banks from competing for deposits, his answer reflected a colossal confidence. “I should doubt it,” said he. “I have been in business for a great many years in New York and I do not compete for any deposits. I do not care whether they ever come. They come.”

With all the ingenuity of a trained trial lawyer, Untermyer tried to get Morgan to admit that he exercised great power. Morgan would have none of it. He said he exercised no power at all. It was as if he were asserting that all the elaborate charts prepared by Untermyer's aides were so much nonsense.

The audience in the committee room was ready for this sort of denial; of course this organizer of huge corporations, this consolidator of banks, this master of the authority of money would be expected under such circumstances to minimize his own status; but presently Untermyer's verbal rapier would find a weak spot. Morgan was denying too much. He was not only—against all reason—denying that he controlled the reorganized railroads for which he had named the voting trustees who named the directors; he was actually denying that if he himself were voting trustee for all the railroad systems of the United States, this would concentrate control of them in him. He was denying that there was any way in which one man could get a monopoly of money, or control of it.

Yet as the questioning persisted, it became apparent that these denials on the old man's part were not merely tactics in his battle of wits with Untermyer; they came from something
deeper in his nature, something that commanded the audience's respect. Morgan was insisting that what ruled the financial world was not money, but character.

“Is not commercial credit based primarily upon money or property?” asked Untermyer.

“No, sir,” said Morgan; “the first thing is character.”

“Before money or property?”

“Before money or anything else. Money cannot buy it.… Because a man I do not trust could not get money from me on all the bonds in Christendom.”

How could anybody hear those words—so dubiously applicable to the facts of the business world in general, yet clearly so valid to the old gentleman in the witness chair—without wondering what manner of man this was, what principles had ruled his long career, and by what conjunction of circumstances and events he had come to a place where people could honestly believe that he was the ruler of America?

II

THE MATERIALS OF A CAREER

1

Among the men who wielded far-reaching authority in American business at the beginning of the twentieth century, Morgan was unusual in his origins. John D. Rockefeller's father had been a pitch man of uncertain repute—an itinerant salesman of patent medicines—and Rockefeller himself had begun his working life at sixteen as a $4-a-week clerk in a commission merchant's office in Cleveland. Andrew Carnegie had been born in a weaver's cottage at Dunfermline, Scotland, and after having been brought to the United States in his early childhood had gone to work at thirteen as a $1.20-a-week bobbin boy in a Pittsburgh cotton mill. Among the subsequently mighty bankers, George F. Baker, a country boy, had begun as a clerk in the New York State Banking Department at Albany; James Stillman's father had been well-to-do but had suffered reverses, and young Stillman had entered business life at sixteen in a small position in the cotton business. And even the great railroad organizer, E. H. Harriman, though he had had wealthy friends and moderately prosperous relatives, had been unable to get to college and had been introduced to business by way of a job as a broker's office boy at $5 a week. The prevailing pattern was of the sort prescribed by Horatio Alger: begin work as a boy, without benefit of higher education; work furiously, with a single eye to business; and thus rise to the top.

There were to be sure other men, like the Astors and Vanderbilts, who had inherited wealth and were forces to be reckoned with at the turn of the century by reason of that wealth; but they represented a waning and undynamic authority compared with the Rockefellers and Carnegies and Harrimans. Morgan was unique. Nobody could call him undynamic. Yet by contrast with the Horatio Alger heroes of his time
he had been born to rising wealth and social position, and before he was twenty had enjoyed opportunities for travel, university education, and international acquaintance such as Rockefeller and Carnegie could hardly have dreamed of.

Morgan's grandfather, Joseph Morgan, came from a Massachusetts farm to Hartford, Connecticut, in 1817; ran a coffee house or tavern, and then sold it to become the proprietor of the City Hotel in Hartford; prospered as a hotel-keeper, and invested on a considerable scale in Hartford real estate; helped to organize a canal company and steamboat lines and the new railroad which connected Hartford with Springfield; and finally became one of the founders of the Aetna Fire Insurance Company. A solid citizen, hearty, hardworking, shrewd in a bargain, and God-fearing withal, Joseph Morgan was the perfect pattern of the up-and-coming Yankee enterpriser of the early nineteenth century.

Joseph Morgan's son, Junius Spencer Morgan, was born in 1813, before his father arrived in Hartford; and Junius, too, was put into business without benefit of a college education. He got a taste of commercial life in New York and then spent a number of years in a drygoods merchant's firm in Hartford. But in his late thirties he moved to Boston to become a partner in the booming firm of James M. Beebe & Co., which conducted and financed foreign trade transactions, particularly in cotton; and by that time, as a result of his father's expanding wealth, he was able to bring considerable capital with him to put into the Boston firm, which thereupon became J. M. Beebe, Morgan & Co. But Junius Morgan did not remain long in the work of financing those exports and imports which made the Boston of the eighteen-fifties a hustling center of clipper-ship trade with Europe and Asia. After only a few years he was invited to go to London to become a partner of George Peabody, a Yankee who had built up a respected and very profitable international banking house there. And when, during our Civil War, George Peabody retired, the Peabody firm—an important link in the system of financial communications between imperial London and industrializing America—took the name of J. S. Morgan & Co. In short, Junius Morgan, helped along on his career by his Hartford father's well-invested savings, became a man of wealth and of international influence.

Thus it happened that Junius Morgan's son, John Pierpont Morgan, grew up in an atmosphere of financial security, rising business prestige, and rising worldly consequence.

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The house in which Pierpont Morgan was born on April 17, 1837, was an ample one, his grandfather's house at 26 Asylum Street, Hartford; nothing palatial, but a substantial urban building three stories high and six windows wide across the front. (It is gone now; in 1948 its site, in a somewhat run-down commercial district between more progressive business areas, was part of a lot occupied by a six-story branch office building of The Travelers—with a paint shop and a record shop on the ground floor, and bowling alleys next door, and a technical institute and movie theater across the way.) At the time of Pierpont Morgan's birth, his father was still a young Hartford merchant, but his grandfather was already a man of considerable means.

Young Pierpont—“Pip,” as they called him in his boyhood—went first to a small private school for young children in Hartford, then to a public grammar school, then to a boarding school at Cheshire, Connecticut (while his father was moving to Boston and becoming established there); then to the English High School in Boston, a public school of exceptionally high standards; then (as the family moved abroad to London) to a private school in Vevey, Switzerland; and finally for over a year to the University of Göttingen in Germany. There was always plenty of money behind him, and of educational opportunity, and of New England belief in breadth of education.

Inevitably he early absorbed, through inheritance and through the very air of the commercial Hartford of the eighteen-forties, certain traditions and tastes characteristic of the Yankee business community. First, there was the tradition of businesslike thrift. There was nothing finer than to be a good business man, and the very mechanics of a business operation were alluring. When Pierpont was just reaching his twelfth birthday, he and his cousin Jim Goodwin, after the immemorial fashion of twelve-year-olds, got up a show for which they sold tickets to their families and indulgent friends—a
Grand Diorama of the Landing of Columbus
;
not only did Pierpont keep strict account of every penny received and disbursed, but he prepared afterward an accurate balance sheet of the whole operation, headed “Morgan & Goodwin, Grand Diorama Balance Sheet, April 20, 1849.” Other boys in other eras might play at being sea captains, or firemen, or airplane pilots; to this boy in pre-Civil War Hartford there was a tingle of fascination in being able to set down assets and liabilities in perfect order. After Pierpont had moved to Boston, in his mid-teens, he and Jim Goodwin carried on a steady correspondence which combined boyishly occult references to girls they both knew in Hartford, with reports of purchases they had made for one another; and Pierpont used to like to sign his letters to Jim, “Truly yours, Goodwin, Morgan & Co.—J.P.M.—To Messrs. Goodwin, Morgan & Co.'s Agent at Hartford.”

He not only kept a diary, in a clear handwriting that by the time he was fifteen was graceful and well formed, but kept a series of precise personal account books; and so firmly was this habit acquired that twenty years later, when he was married and traveling abroad with his wife and children, he still committed to a blue leather account book, in his fine slanting hand, the exact record of the francs he had spent on such items as 3
bouquets
, 18;
postage
, 1.40;
cab
, 1.80;
oranges
, 1.70;
mineral water
, 18;
postage
, 1.50.