The Modern Middle East (79 page)

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Authors: Mehran Kamrava

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BOOK: The Modern Middle East
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16.
Extract from Theodor Herzl,
The Jewish State,
in Walter Laqueur and Barry Rubin, eds.,
The Israeli-Arab Reader: A Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict,
5th ed. (New York: Penguin Books, 1995), pp. 5–10.

17.
Ibid., p. 10.

 

18.
Extract from the First Zionist Congress, “The Basel Declaration,” in Laqueur and Rubin,
Israeli-Arab Reader,
pp. 10–11.

19.
Tessler,
History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict,
p. 53.

20.
Sachar,
History of Israel,
pp. 56–57.

21.
Other incipient state institutions included the Palestine Foundation Fund, the Palestine Jewish Colonization Association, the Palestine Land Development Company, and the Jewish Colonization Association, to name a few.

22.
Tessler,
History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict,
p. 59.

23.
Samih K. Farsoun and Christina E. Zacharia,
Palestine and the Palestinians
(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997), p. 78.

24.
Tessler,
History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict,
p. 61.

25.
Sachar,
History of Israel,
pp. 154–55.

26.
Tessler,
History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict,
p. 208.

27.
For more on the ideological formation of early Zionism, see David Vital,
Zionism: The Crucial Phase
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987); Shmuel Almog,
Zionism and History: The Rise of a New Jewish Consciousness
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987); Michael Berkowitz,
Zionist Culture and West European Jewry before the First World War
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993). For a useful collection of the writings of some of the early articulators of Zionist ideology, see Arthur Hertzberg, ed.,
The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader
(New York: Atheneum, 1959).

28.
Quoted in Edward Said,
The Question of Palestine
(New York: Times Books, 1981), pp. 16–17.

29.
In an interview published in the London
Sunday Times
(June 15, 1969, p. 12), quoted in Rashid Khalidi,
Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), p. 181.

30.
Ben-Gurion,
Israel,
especially pp. 9–78. The closest Ben-Gurion comes to mentioning the Palestinians is through occasional generic references to “Arabs.”

31.
David Ben-Gurion,
Memoirs
(New York: World, 1970), p. 26.

32.
W. T. Mallison Jr., “The Balfour Declaration: An Appraisal in International Law,” in
The Transformation of Palestine: Essays on the Origin and Development of the Arab-Israeli Conflict,
ed. Ibrahim Abu-Lughod (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1971), p. 98.

33.
Quoted in Said,
Question of Palestine,
p. 13.

34.
For a detailed analysis of land sales in Palestine, see Khalidi,
Palestinian Identity,
pp. 111–17.

35.
Professor Israel Shahak’s research is quoted in Said,
Question of Palestine,
p. 14. Said quotes another set of statistics, this time from the London
Times,
claiming that in the West Bank and Gaza some 7,554 Arab houses were razed from 1967 to 1969, and another 9,000 by 1971.

36.
Sachar,
History of Israel,
p. 215.

37.
By some accounts, the UN Partition Plan was based on the Zionists’ own plan endorsed by the United States in August 1946. Farsoun and Zacharia,
Palestine and the Palestinians,
p. 111.

 

38.
See, for example, Shimon Peres,
The New Middle East
(New York: Henry Holt, 1993), p. 166.

39.
Israeli thinkers Simha Flapan and Zeev Sternhell are two cases in point. See Zeev Sternhell,
The Founding Myths of Israel,
trans. David Maisel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), and Simha Flapan,
The Birth of Israel: Myths and Realities
(New York: Pantheon Books, 1987), p. 33. Not surprisingly, these “new historians” are not without their detractors, one of whom is Professor Joseph Heller of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. For Heller’s critique of the “new historians,” see his
The Birth of Israel: Ben-Gurion and His Critics
(Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), pp. 295–307.

40.
Flapan,
Birth of Israel,
p. 33.

41.
For more on this, see the collection of essays in Edward Said and Christopher Hitchens, eds.,
Blaming the Victims: Spurious Scholarship and the Palestinian Question
(New York: Verso, 1988).

42.
Farsoun and Zacharia,
Palestine and the Palestinians,
p. 113.

43.
Sachar,
History of Israel,
p. 333. Farsoun and Zacharia, in
Palestine and the Palestinians,
p. 114, put the number of those massacred at 245. As Sachar points out, the Zionists were not alone in committing atrocities, the Palestinians having been guilty as well on previous occasions. But the Deir Yassin massacre stands out both for its brutality and for the fear it instilled in the remaining Palestinian population.

44.
Farsoun and Zacharia,
Palestine and the Palestinians,
p. 114.

45.
Baruch Kimmerling and Joel Migdal,
Palestinians: The Making of a People
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), p. 147. Britain estimated the number of refugees at between 600,000 and 760,000.

46.
For the interpretations of one of Israel’s leading “new historians,” see Benny Morris,
The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem,
1947–1949 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

47.
Sachar,
History of Israel,
p. 332; Flapan,
Birth of Israel,
p. 85.

48.
Flapan,
Birth of Israel,
p. 93.

49.
Farsoun and Zacharia,
Palestine and the Palestinians,
pp. 132–35.

50.
Quoted in Flapan,
Birth of Israel,
p. 42.

51.
Ilan Pappe,
The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine
(Oxford: Oneworld, 2006), p. 49.

52.
Kimmerling and Migdal,
Palestinians,
p. 152.

53.
Joseph Nevo,
King Abdallah and Palestine: A Territorial Ambition
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996), pp. 108–21.

54.
Rashid Khalidi makes a similar, though slightly different, argument. See Khalidi,
Palestinian Identity,
pp. 145–50.

55.
For the sake of chronological consistency, this chapter examines only the first two of these phases of Palestinian nationalism, leaving the subsequent three to be discussed in chapter 9.

56.
Bassam Tibi,
Arab Nationalism: A Critical Inquiry,
2nd ed., trans. Marion Farouk-Sluglett and Peter Sluglett (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990), pp. 106–16.

 

57.
For a rare and perceptive examination of these and other early Palestinian periodicals, see Khalidi,
Palestinian Identity,
pp. 119–44.

58.
Adnan Mohammed Abu-Ghazaleh,
Arab Cultural Nationalism in Palestine during the British Mandate
(Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1973), p. 102. These individuals included men like Said al-Huseini, Ruhi al-Khalidi, Muhammad Hasan al-Budayri, and Khalil al-Sakakini.

59.
William Quandt, Fuad Jabber, and Ann Mosley Lesch,
The Politics of Palestinian Nationalism
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), p. 25.

60.
Benny Morris,
Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict,
1881–2001 (New York: Vintage Books, 2001), p. 145.

61.
Ibid.

62.
Khalidi,
Palestinian Identity,
p. 190.

63.
Yehoyada Haim,
Abandonment of Illusions: Zionist Political Attitudes toward Palestinian Arab Nationalism,
1936–1939 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983), p. 50.

64.
For repeated efforts by Palestinian leadership to see glory in defeat, see Khalidi,
Palestinian Identity,
pp. 197–98.

65.
See Bassam Tibi,
Arab Nationalism: Between Islam and the Nation-State,
3rd ed. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997), pp. 116–22.

66.
P. J. Vatikiotis,
Nasser and His Generation
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1978), p. 49.

67.
Partly out of self-delusion and partly to placate their military officers, the Arab armies that took part in the 1948 war handed out lavish promotions to their officers, often promoting individuals without regard to their qualifications or experience.

68.
Gamal Abdel Nasser,
The Philosophy of the Revolution
(Buffalo, NY: Economica Books, 1959), p. 28.

69.
Ibid., pp. 36–37.

70.
Ibid., pp. 32–33.

71.
Joel Gordon,
Nasser’s Blessed Movement: Egypt’s Free Officers and the July Revolution
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 13.

72.
Quoted in ibid., p. 179. Upon his return to Cairo, Nasser’s train was met by throngs of cheering masses.

73.
For details of the Agrarian Reform Law, see Vatikiotis,
Nasser and His Generation,
pp. 205–9.

74.
R. Hrair Dekmejian,
Egypt under Nasir: A Study in Political Dynamics
(Albany: SUNY Press, 1971), p. 43.

75.
Fred J. Khouri,
The Arab-Israeli Dilemma,
3rd ed. (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1985), pp. 215–16.

76.
Quoted in Vatikiotis,
Nasser and His Generation,
p. 275.

77.
Clement Moore Henry,
Politics in North Africa: Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1970), p. 38.

78.
Ibid., p. 35.

79.
Ibid., p. 36.

80.
Ibid.

 

81.
C. R. Pennell,
Morocco since
1830
:
A History
(New York: NYU Press, 2000), p. 280.

82.
Lorna Hahn,
North Africa, Nationalism to Nationhood
(Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press, 1960), p. 280.

83.
Elbaki Hermassi,
Leadership and National Development in North Africa: A Comparative Study
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 103–4.

84.
Although many Moroccans aspired to acquire
baraka,
few were actually perceived by others to be so blessed. “
Baraka
can be defined as a beneficial force derived from a divine origin yielding abundance and prosperity in the physical order. The ultimate sources of
baraka
are the sayings of God in the Koran and those of his Messenger, the Prophet Muhammad. By a sort of transmission, God has empowered all the descendants of the Prophet and all those who are close to God (that is, saints) with
baraka
.” Rahma Bourqia, “The Cultural Legacy of Power in Morocco,” in
In the Shadow of the Sultan: Culture, Power, and Politics in Morocco,
ed. Rahma Bourqia and Susan Gilson Miller (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 246.

85.
Pennell,
Morocco since
1830, p. 291.

86.
Henry,
Politics in North Africa,
p. 40.

87.
Ibid., p. 40.

88.
Hermassi,
Leadership and National Development,
pp. 133–34.

89.
John Ruedy,
Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), p. 173.

90.
Henry,
Politics in North Africa,
p. 69.

91.
Hermassi,
Leadership and National Development,
p. 121.

92.
Lisa Anderson,
The State and Social Formation in Tunisia and Libya,
1830–1980 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 175.

93.
Clement Moore Henry,
Tunisia since Independence: The Dynamics of One-Party Government
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), pp. 51–56.

94.
Farsoun and Zacharia,
Palestine and the Palestinians,
p. 144.

4. THE ARAB-ISRAELI WARS

1.
For a detailed account of Syrian politics in the 1940s and 1950s, see Patrick Seale,
The Struggle for Syria: A Study of Postwar Arab Politics
1945–1958 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986).

2.
Alan R. Taylor,
The Superpowers and the Middle East
(Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1991), p. 40.

3.
Anthony Nutting,
Nasser
(New York: E. P. Dutton, 1972), pp. 316–17.

4.
Taylor,
Superpowers and the Middle East,
p. 31.

5.
Quoted in Dan Hofstadter, ed.,
Egypt and Nasser,
vol. 2, 1957–66 (New York: Facts on File, 1973), p. 5.

6.
Taylor,
Superpowers and the Middle East,
p. 60.

7.
Seale,
Struggle for Syria,
p. 293.

 

8.
Hofstadter,
Egypt and Nasser,
p. 37.

9.
Quwatli, for example, was retired and given the honorific title of “First Citizen of the UAR.” Malcolm Kerr,
The Arab Cold War,
1958–1964
:
A Study in Ideological Politics
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 15.

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