The Other Slavery (64 page)

34. On the opening of the trail and the role of Spanish slavers, see Joseph P. Sánchez,
Explorers, Traders, and Slavers: Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 1678–1850
(Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1997). For a more detailed look at the case of one slaver, see Sondra Jones,
The Trial of Don Pedro León Luján
(Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000). For the broader context, see Bailey,
Indian Slave Trade in the Southwest,
especially section 3 on the Great Basin; and Estévan Rael-Gálvez, “Identifying Captivity and Capturing Identity: Narratives of American Indian Slavery, Colorado and New Mexico, 1776–1934” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 2002), especially chap. 1.

35. On the Arze-García case, see Leland Hargrave Creer, “Spanish American Slave Trade in the Great Basin, 1800–1853,”
New Mexico Historical Review
24:3 (July 1949), 171–182; Bailey,
Indian Slave Trade in the Southwest,
136–137; and Hafen and Hafen,
Old Spanish Trail,
264–266.

36. The quotes from Wootton and Farnham are cited in Hafen and Hafen,
Old Spanish Trail,
267.

37. For the Jones quote, see Daniel W. Jones,
Forty Years Among the Indians
(Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1960), chap. 7. For a brief recapitulation of the trade in Utes and Paiutes, as well as excellent quotations from nineteenth-century Americans, see Carling Malouf and A. Arline Malouf, “The Effects of Spanish Slavery on the Indians of the Intermountain West,”
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
1:3 (Autumn 1945), 378–391.

38. The evidence for slaves among pre-Columbian agricultural societies in monuments, vessels, Indian languages, and early European documents is quite abundant. Some of the sources of this information include Redmond and Spencer, “From Raiding to Conquest”; Clendinnen,
Aztecs;
Richter, “War and Culture”; Parmenter,
The Edge of the Woods,
xliii–xliv and 45–51; Fox, “Events as Seen from the North”; and Donald,
Aboriginal Slavery on the Northwest Coast of North America
. I learned that some nomadic societies on the coast of Texas refused to accept castaways who willingly offered themselves as slaves while I was researching a previous book about the Pánfilo de Narváez expedition to Florida. See Andrés Reséndez,
A Land So Strange: The Epic Journey of Cabeza de Vaca
(New York: Basic, 2007), passim.

8. MISSIONS, PRESIDIOS, AND SLAVES

1. Among the works that emphasize Native power, see Kathleen Duval,
The Native Ground: Indians and Colonists in the Heart of the Continent
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007); Hämäläinen,
The Comanche Empire;
and Blackhawk,
Violence over the Land
. The information on silver production comes from TePaske,
A New World of Gold and Silver,
110–113. For a brief discussion of the reasons behind
this boom, see Brown,
A History of Mining in Latin America,
29–35. The works of Thomas Sheridan and Paul Conrad, “Captive Fates,” have been especially influential in shaping my thinking for this chapter. For an overview of the mass deportation of Apaches, see Mark Santiago,
The Jar of Severed Hands: Spanish Deportation of Apache Prisoners of War, 1770–1810
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2011).

2. Herbert E. Bolton, “The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanish American Colonies,”
American Historical Review
23:1 (October 1917), 42–43, 46, 61. For an intellectual biography of Bolton, see Albert Hurtado,
Herbert Eugene Bolton: Historian of the American Borderlands
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012).

3. Bolton was extremely influential both as a scholar and as a teacher of a subsequent generation of frontier historians. See especially David J. Weber, “Turner, the Boltonians, and the Borderlands,”
American Historical Review
91 (February 1986), 313–323; and Hurtado,
Herbert Eugene Bolton,
passim. For a more recent appraisal, see Samuel Truett, “Epics of Greater America: Herbert Eugene Bolton’s Quest for a Transnational American History,” in Christopher Schmidt-Nowara and John Nieto-Phillips, eds.,
Interpreting Spanish Colonialism
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), 213–247. On Bolton’s one-sidedness, see Albert H. Hurtado, “Herbert E. Bolton, Racism, and American History,”
Pacific Historical Review
62 (May 1993), 127–142; and Hurtado,
Herbert Eugene Bolton,
91, 102. The mission literature is vast. See Susan M. Deeds, “Indigenous Responses to Mission Settlement in Nueva Vizcaya,” in Erick Langer and Robert H. Jackson, eds.,
The New Latin American Mission History
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995), 77–108; Cecilia Sheridan,
Anónimos y Desterrados;
Ignacio Almada Bay, José Marcos Median Bustos, and María del Valle Borrero, “Hacia una nueva interpretación del régimen colonial en Sonora: Descubriendo a los indios y redimensionando a los misioneros,”
Región y Sociedad
19 (2007), 237–265; Matthew M. Babcock, “Turning Apaches into Spaniards: North America’s Forgotten Indian Reservations” (Ph.D. diss., Southern Methodist University, 2008); Cynthia Radding,
Wandering Peoples: Colonialism, Ethnic Spaces, and Ecological Frontiers in Northwestern Mexico, 1700–1850
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997); and José Refugio De la Torre Curiel,
Twilight of the Mission Frontier: Shifting Interethnic Alliances and Social Organization in Sonora, 1768–1855
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012), 17–28.

4. On the expansion of presidios, see Max L. Moorhead,
The Presidio: Bastion of the Spanish Borderlands
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), 54–55; Weber,
The Spanish Frontier in North America,
204–235; Charles W. Polzer and Thomas E. Sheridan, eds.,
The Presidio and Militia on the Northern Frontier of New Spain: A Documentary History,
vol. 2, part 1,
The Californias and Sinaloa-Sonora, 1700–1765
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997); and Thomas H. Naylor and Charles W. Polzer, eds.,
Pedro de Rivera and the Military Regulations for Northern New Spain, 1724–1729
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988), passim.

5. For the best early description of the Seris, see Jesuit Adam Gilg to the Jesuits of Brünn, Sonora, February 1692, in Julio César Montané Martí, “Una Carta del Padre Adam Gilg S.J. sobre los Seris, 1692,”
Revista de El Colegio de Sonora
7:12 (1996), 431. On turtle hunting, see Richard Felger and Mary Beck Moser,
People of the Desert and Sea: Ethnobotany of the Seri Indians
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1985), 42–50; and Gary Paul Nabhan,
Singing the Turtles to Sea: The Comcáac (Seri) Art and Science of Reptiles
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003). On eelgrass, see Thomas E. Sheridan and Richard Stephen Felger, “Indian Utilization of Eelgrass (
Zostera Marina L.
) in Northwestern Mexico: The Spanish Colonial Record,”
Kiva
43:2 (1977), 89–104; and Felger and Moser,
People of the Desert and Sea,
376–382. Molecular anthropologist Brian Kemp provided information about the haplogroup distribution of Seri Indians’ mtDNA. Kemp, personal communication. For the Y-chromosome information, see Ripan Mahli et al., “Distribution of Y Chromosomes Among Native North Americans: A Study of Athapaskan Population History,”
American Journal of Physical Anthropology
137 (2008), 412–424. Up until a few years ago, some linguists still believed that Seri was part of the Hokan stock. However, this connection is elusive and nearly impossible to prove. See S. A. Marlett, “The Seri and Salinan Connection Revisited,”
International Journal of American Linguistics
74:3 (2008), 393–399.

6. Gilg to the Jesuits of Brünn, February 1692, 144–151.

7. The quote is from Father Juan Fernández, transcribed and translated in Thomas E. Sheridan, ed.,
Empire of Sand: The Seri Indians and the Struggle for Spanish Sonora, 1645–1803
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), 31–33. Evidence of large yields is plentiful. See, for example, María Soledad Arbelaez, “The Sonoran Missions and Indian Raids of the Eighteenth Century,”
Journal of the Southwest
33:3 (Autumn 1991), 371. For the most detailed information about surplus production at the Sonoran missions, see Radding,
Wandering Peoples,
75–99.

8. On the origins of Pópulo, see Gilg to the Jesuits of Brünn, February 1692, 149; and Edward H. Spicer,
Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533–1960
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1962), 105. On the 1700 incursions into the lands of the Seris, see Juan M. Manje,
Unknown Arizona and Sonora, 1693–1701
(Tucson: Arizona Silhouettes, 1954), 146–149; and Bautista de Escalante’s diary, cited in Sheridan,
Empire of Sand,
37–70. See also George B. Eckhart, “The Seri Indian Missions,”
Kiva
25:3 (February 1960), 39–40.

9. On estimates of the number of Seris living in the missions and the difficulties of reaching Tiburón and San Esteban, see Sheridan,
Empire of Sand,
8–10, 97–99. For a classic work on the regions of refuge, see Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán,
Regions of Refuge
(Washington, DC: Society for Applied Anthropology, 1979), passim.

10. On the different bands of Seris, see Sheridan,
Empire of Sand,
9–10, 19–20. María Soledad Arbelaez shows that Indians focused their raids primarily on horses and cattle. Arbelaez, “The Sonoran Missions and Indian Raids of the Eighteenth Century,” 366–385. On the back-and-forth movement of Seris between missions and zones of refuge, see Thomas E. Sheridan, “Cross or Arrow?: The Breakdown in Spanish-Seri Relations, 1729–1750,”
Arizona and the West
21:4 (Winter 1979), 317–334.

11. On presidios as garrisons and prisons, see Norwood Andrews, “Muros de prisiones, espacios carcelarios y fronteras” (presentation in Ciudad Real, Spain, June 13, 2013).

12. The first quote is from article 190 of the regulations of 1729, cited in Naylor and Polzer,
Pedro de Rivera,
279. The second quote is from Jack Jackson, ed.,
Imaginary Kingdom: Texas as Seen by the Rivera and Rubí Military Expeditions, 1727 and 1767
(Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1995), 205. See also Santiago,
The Jar of Severed Hands,
36–37.

13. This entire section is based on “Averiguación sobre los indios presos en el presidio de San Pedro de la Conquista del Pitic,” conducted by José Rafael Rodríguez Gallardo, July–August 1748, Presidio de San Pedro de la Conquista, Sonora, AGN, Inquisición, L. 1282, pp. 366–432. For the larger context, see Rafael Rodríguez Gallardo,
Informe sobre Sinaloa y Sonora, año de 1750
(Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1975); and Polzer and Sheridan,
The Presidio,
vol. 2, part 1,
The Californias and Sinaloa-Sonora, 1700–1765,
253–408. For the larger context, see Radding,
Wandering Peoples,
40–43; and De la Torre Curiel,
Twilight of the Mission Frontier,
17–28.

14. “Averiguación sobre los indios presos en el presidio de San Pedro de la Conquista del Pitic” contains very graphic testimony of the tortures and provides unusually detailed information about the circumstances surrounding the imprisonment and deaths of these three individuals. See also Flavio Molina Molina, “Instrumentos de hechicería usados por pimas de Onavas, 1743,” in
Memorias del IV simposio de historia de Sonora
(Hermosillo: Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 1979).

15. Rodríguez Gallardo himself wrote in his
averiguación
that “even when Indians receive wages their service is still involuntary.”

16. In addition to Rodríguez Gallardo’s
,
see “Investigación by Juez Pesquisidor Rodríguez Gallardo of Indian Prisoners at Pitic,” in Polzer and Sheridan,
The Presidio,
vol. 2, part 1,
The Californias and Sinaloa-Sonora, 1700–1765,
353–370; and Sheridan, “Cross or Arrow?,” 317–334.

17. “Father Miranda on the Impact of Horcasitas Presidio on the Mission Seris, 1749,” in Sheridan,
Empire of Sand,
148. See also Sheridan, “Cross or Arrow?,” 323–325; and “Protest of Father Provincial Andrés García on the Transfer of Pitic, 1749,” and “On the Building of Horcasitas, 1750,” both in Polzer and Sheridan,
The Presidio,
vol. 2, part 1,
The Californias and Sinaloa-Sonora, 1700–1765,
371–380 and 381–393, respectively. For additional context, see “Relación of Father Nicolás Perera, 1750,” in Sheridan,
Empire of Sand,
161–162; and Radding,
Wandering Peoples,
155–156. On the presidio of Janos, see Blyth,
Chiricahua and Janos
.

18. The quotes are from “Relación of Father Nicolás Perera,” 161–162.

19. Rodríguez Gallardo,
Informe sobre Sinaloa y Sonora,
10–11, 102–103; Juan Nentvig,
Rudo Ensayo
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1980), 134.

20. Rodríguez Gallardo,
Informe sobre Sinaloa y Sonora,
10–11, 102–103. Sheridan provides additional details about the collera of Seris dispatched by Rodríguez Gallardo in “Cross or Arrow?,” 324. The two Seri escapees were almost certainly Manuel el queretano—thus nicknamed after his stint in an
obraje
(sweatshop) in Querétaro—and his son Marcos. “Ortiz Parrilla and the Jesuits Propose to Deport the Seris, 1750,” in Sheridan,
Empire of Sand,
171.

21. The quote is from “Decree of Governor Ortiz Parrilla Ordering the Expedition to Tiburón Island, 1750,” in Sheridan,
Empire of Sand,
165–168. On the expulsion plan, see also Nentvig,
Rudo Ensayo,
133–134; and “Ortiz Parrilla and the Jesuits Propose to Deport the Seris,” 169–176. For the Tobosos and Apaches, see Conrad, “Captive Fates,”
and Santiago,
The Jar of Severed Hands
. For the banishment of vagrants to the Philippines, see Eva Maria Mehl, “Vagrants, Idlers and Troublemakers in the Philippines, 1765–1861” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Davis, 2011).