The Palliser Novels (314 page)

“I heard you, Lord Chiltern.”

“And I suppose you thought I was a brute.”

“Who? I? No, I didn’t; — not particularly, you know. Men do say such things to each other!”

“He doesn’t mind it, I fancy.”

“I suppose a man does not like to be told that directly he shows himself in a run the sport is all over and the hounds ought to be taken home.”

“Did I say that? I don’t remember now what I said, but I know he made me angry. Come, let us trot on. They can take the hounds home without us.”

“Good night, Cox,” said Miss Palliser, as they passed by the pack. “Poor Mr. Maule! I did pity him, and I do think he does care for it, though he is so impassive. He would be with us now, only he is chewing the cud of his unhappiness in solitude half a mile behind us.”

“That is hard upon you.”

“Hard upon me, Lord Chiltern! It is hard upon him, and, perhaps, upon you. Why should it be hard upon me?”

“Hard upon him, I should have said. Though why it shouldn’t be the other way I don’t know. He’s a friend of yours.”

“Certainly.”

“And an especial friend, I suppose. As a matter of course Violet talks to me about you both.”

“No doubt she does. When once a woman is married she should be regarded as having thrown off her allegiance to her own sex. She is sure to be treacherous at any rate in one direction. Not that Lady Chiltern can tell anything of me that might not be told to all the world as far as I am concerned.”

“There is nothing in it, then?”

“Nothing at all.”

“Honour bright?”

“Oh, — honour as bright as it ever is in such matters as these.”

“I am sorry for that, — very sorry.”

“Why so, Lord Chiltern?”

“Because if you were engaged to him I thought that perhaps you might have induced him to ride a little less forward.”

“Lord Chiltern,” said Miss Palliser, seriously; “I will never again speak to you a word on any subject except hunting.”

At this moment Gerard Maule came up behind them, with a cigar in his mouth, apparently quite unconscious of any of that displeasure as to which Miss Palliser had supposed that he was chewing the cud in solitude. “That was a goodish thing, Chiltern,” he said.

“Very good.”

“And the hounds hunted him well to the end.”

“Very well.”

“It’s odd how the scent will die away at a moment. You see they couldn’t carry on a field after we got out of the copse.”

“Not a field.”

“Considering all things I am glad we didn’t kill him.”

“Uncommon glad,” said Lord Chiltern. Then they trotted on in silence a little way, and Maule again dropped behind. “I’m blessed if he knows that I spoke to him, roughly,” said Chiltern. “He’s deaf, I think, when he chooses to be.”

“You’re not sorry, Lord Chiltern.”

“Not in the least. Nothing will ever do any good. As for offending him, you might as well swear at a tree, and think to offend it. There’s comfort in that, anyway. I wonder whether he’d talk to you if I went away?”

“I hope that you won’t try the experiment.”

“I don’t believe he would, or I’d go at once. I wonder whether you really do care for him?”

“Not in the least.”

“Or he for you.”

“Quite indifferent, I should say; but I can’t answer for him, Lord Chiltern, quite as positively as I can for myself. You know, as things go, people have to play at caring for each other.”

“That’s what we call flirting.”

“Just the reverse. Flirting I take to be the excitement of love, without its reality, and without its ordinary result in marriage. This playing at caring has none of the excitement, but it often leads to the result, and sometimes ends in downright affection.”

“If Maule perseveres then you’ll take him, and by-and-bye you’ll come to like him.”

“In twenty years it might come to that, if we were always to live in the same house; but as he leaves Harrington to-morrow, and we may probably not meet each other for the next four years, I think the chance is small.”

Then Maule trotted up again, and after riding in silence with the other two for half an hour, he pulled out his case and lit a fresh cigar from the end of the old one, which he threw away. “Have a baccy, Chiltern?” he said.

“No, thank you, I never smoke going home; my mind is too full. I’ve all that family behind to think of, and I’m generally out of sorts with the miseries of the day. I must say another word to Cox, or I should have to go to the kennels on my way home.” And so he dropped behind.

Gerard Maule smoked half his cigar before he spoke a word, and Miss Palliser was quite resolved that she would not open her mouth till he had spoken. “I suppose he likes it?” he said at last.

“Who likes what, Mr. Maule?”

“Chiltern likes blowing fellows up.”

“It’s a part of his business.”

“That’s the way I look at it. But I should think it must be disagreeable. He takes such a deal of trouble about it. I heard him going on to-day to some one as though his whole soul depended on it.”

“He is very energetic.”

“Just so. I’m quite sure it’s a mistake. What does a man ever get by it? Folks around you soon discount it till it goes for nothing.”

“I don’t think energy goes for nothing, Mr. Maule.”

“A bull in a china shop is not a useful animal, nor is he ornamental, but there can be no doubt of his energy. The hare was full of energy, but he didn’t win the race. The man who stands still is the man who keeps his ground.”

“You don’t stand still when you’re out hunting.”

“No; — I ride about, and Chiltern swears at me. Every man is a fool sometimes.”

“And your wisdom, perfect at all other times, breaks down in the hunting-field?”

“I don’t in the least mind your chaffing. I know what you think of me just as well as though you told me.”

“What do I think of you?”

“That I’m a poor creature, generally half asleep, shallow-pated, slow-blooded, ignorant, useless, and unambitious.”

“Certainly unambitious, Mr. Maule.”

“And that word carries all the others. What’s the good of ambition? There’s the man they were talking about last night, — that Irishman.”

“Mr. Finn?”

“Yes; Phineas Finn. He is an ambitious fellow. He’ll have to starve, according to what Chiltern was saying. I’ve sense enough to know I can’t do any good.”

“You are sensible, I admit.”

“Very well, Miss Palliser. You can say just what you like, of course. You have that privilege.”

“I did not mean to say anything severe. I do admit that you are master of a certain philosophy, for which much may be said. But you are not to expect that I shall express an approval which I do not feel.”

“But I want you to approve it.”

“Ah! — there, I fear, I cannot oblige you.”

“I want you to approve it, though no one else may.”

“Though all else should do so, I cannot.”

“Then take the task of curing the sick one, and of strengthening the weak one, into your own hands. If you will teach, perhaps I may learn.”

“I have no mission for teaching, Mr. Maule.”

“You once said that, — that — “

“Do not be so ungenerous as to throw in my teeth what I once said, — if I ever said a word that I would not now repeat.”

“I do not think that I am ungenerous, Miss Palliser.”

“I am sure you are not.”

“Nor am I self-confident. I am obliged to seek comfort from such scraps of encouragement as may have fallen in my way here and there. I once did think that you intended to love me.”

“Does love go by intentions?”

“I think so, — frequently with men, and much more so with girls.”

“It will never go so with me. I shall never intend to love any one. If I ever love any man it will be because I am made to do so, despite my intentions.”

“As a fortress is taken?”

“Well, — if you like to put it so. Only I claim this advantage, — that I can always get rid of my enemy when he bores me.”

“Am I boring you now?”

“I didn’t say so. Here is Lord Chiltern again, and I know by the rattle of his horse’s feet that something is the matter.”

Lord Chiltern came up full of wrath. One of the men’s horses was thoroughly broken down, and, as the Master said, wasn’t worth the saddle he carried. He didn’t care a –––– for the horse, but the man hadn’t told him. “At this rate there won’t be anything to carry anybody by Christmas.”

“You’ll have to buy some more,” said Gerard Maule.

“Buy some more!” said Lord Chiltern, turning round, and looking at the man. “He talks of buying horses as he would sugar plums!” Then they trotted in at the gate, and in two minutes were at the hall door.

Before the 11th of November, the day on which Parliament was to meet, the whole country was in a hubbub. Consternation and triumph were perhaps equally predominant, and equally strong. There were those who declared that now at length was Great Britain to be ruined in actual present truth; and those who asserted that, of a sudden, after a fashion so wholly unexpected as to be divine, — as great fires, great famines, and great wars are called divine, — a mighty hand had been stretched out to take away the remaining incubus of superstition, priestcraft, and bigotry under which England had hitherto been labouring. The proposed disestablishment of the State Church of England was, of course, the subject of this diversity of opinion.

And there was not only diversity, but with it great confusion. The political feelings of the country are, as a rule, so well marked that it is easy, as to almost every question, to separate the sheep from the goats. With but few exceptions one can tell where to look for the supporters and where for the opponents of one measure or of another. Meetings are called in this or in that public hall to assist or to combat the Minister of the day, and men know what they are about. But now it was not so. It was understood that Mr. Daubeny, the accredited leader of the Conservatives, was about to bring in the bill, but no one as yet knew who would support the bill. His own party, to a man, — without a single exception, — were certainly opposed to the measure in their minds. It must be so. It could not but be certain that they should hate it. Each individual sitting on the Conservative side in either House did most certainly within his own bosom cry Ichabod when the fatal news reached his ears. But such private opinions and inward wailings need not, and probably would not, guide the body. Ichabod had been cried before, though probably never with such intensity of feeling. Disestablishment might be worse than Free Trade or Household Suffrage, but was not more absolutely opposed to Conservative convictions than had been those great measures. And yet the party, as a party, had swallowed them both. To the first and lesser evil, a compact little body of staunch Commoners had stood forth in opposition, — but nothing had come of it to those true Britons beyond a feeling of living in the cold shade of exclusion. When the greater evil arrived, that of Household Suffrage, — a measure which twenty years since would hardly have been advocated by the advanced Liberals of the day, — the Conservatives had learned to acknowledge the folly of clinging to their own convictions, and had swallowed the dose without serious disruption of their ranks. Every man, — with but an exception or two, — took the measure up, some with faces so singularly distorted as to create true pity, some with an assumption of indifference, some with affected glee. But in the double process the party had become used to this mode of carrying on the public service. As poor old England must go to the dogs, as the doom had been pronounced against the country that it should be ruled by the folly of the many foolish, and not by the wisdom of the few wise, why should the few wise remain out in the cold, — seeing, as they did, that by so doing no good would be done to the country? Dissensions among their foes did, when properly used, give them power, — but such power they could only use by carrying measures which they themselves believed to be ruinous. But the ruin would be as certain should they abstain. Each individual might have gloried in standing aloof, — in hiding his face beneath his toga, and in remembering that Rome did once exist in her splendour. But a party cannot afford to hide its face in its toga. A party has to be practical. A party can only live by having its share of Garters, lord-lieutenants, bishops, and attorney-generals. Though the country were ruined, the party should be supported. Hitherto the party had been supported, and had latterly enjoyed almost its share of stars and Garters, — thanks to the individual skill and strategy of that great English political Von Moltke Mr. Daubeny.

And now what would the party say about the disestablishment of the Church? Even a party must draw the line somewhere. It was bad to sacrifice things mundane; but this thing was the very Holy of Holies! Was nothing to be conserved by a Conservative party? What if Mr. Daubeny were to explain some day to the electors of East Barsetshire that an hereditary peerage was an absurdity? What if in some rural nook of his Bœotia he should suggest in ambiguous language to the farmers that a Republic was the only form of Government capable of a logical defence? Duke had already said to Duke, and Earl to Earl, and Baronet to Baronet that there must be a line somewhere. Bishops as a rule say but little to each other, and now were afraid to say anything. The Church, which had been, which was, so truly beloved; — surely that must be beyond the line! And yet there crept through the very marrow of the party an agonising belief that Mr. Daubeny would carry the bulk of his party with him into the lobby of the House of Commons.

But if such was the dismay of the Conservatives, how shall any writer depict the consternation of the Liberals? If there be a feeling odious to the mind of a sober, hardworking man, it is the feeling that the bread he has earned is to be taken out of his mouth. The pay, the patronage, the powers, and the pleasure of Government were all due to the Liberals. “God bless my soul,” said Mr. Ratler, who always saw things in a practical light, “we have a larger fighting majority than any party has had since Lord Liverpool’s time. They have no right to attempt it. They are bound to go out.” “There’s nothing of honesty left in politics,” said Mr. Bonteen, declaring that he was sick of the life. Barrington Erle thought that the whole Liberal party should oppose the measure. Though they were Liberals they were not democrats; nor yet infidels. But when Barrington Erle said this, the great leaders of the Liberal party had not as yet decided on their ground of action.