Ancient Chinese Warfare (77 page)

48
A crucial issue is whether “Fou” should be understood as the name of another state or the head of the Chi-fang, as only Shaughnessy (“Micro-periodization,” 76, note 14) concludes. In contrast, Ch’en Meng-chia, Fan Yü-chou (204-205), and others assume Fou was a second state located in the same general western vicinity. (Shaughnessy argues that the actions being performed by Fou—visiting the king, hunting, and dying—could only pertain to an individual, but they could simply be a personified way of referring to the head of the clan or state, like Ch’üeh, Chih, or Hsüan. However, evidence for the correctness of his view may be seen in the virtual impossibility that every inscription in which “Chi-fang Fou” appears would have required identical actions by commanders against two discrete enemies irrespective of their proximity. In addition, it is highly unlikely that two proto-states would have simultaneously undertaken the construction of defensive fortifications despite having come under Shang onslaughts.)

49
See HJ6834a, a well-known inscription related to inquires about the advisability of attacking P’ei and the Chi-fang as well. As noted by Fan Yü-chou,
Ping-pien
558 and 1, asking about the prospects for (imminent) conquest, corroborate Hsi’s likely defeat.

50
See BSOAS, 1989 537.

51
HJ6577 questions whether Prince Shang will capture the Chi-fang;
Ping-pien
1 (HJ6834) inquires whether Ch’üeh, the
tuo ch’en
, or the
shih
will capture or conquer Fou; and several other inscriptions such as
Ping-pien
171 and HJ6934 show the Shang intended to severely damage or destroy them.

52
HJ13514a. Shaughnessy, “Micro-periodization,” 66, translates as “Crack-making on [hsin]-mao (day 28), K’o divining: ‘We ought not ?? Chi-fang Fou’s building a wall, for Prince Shang will harm (him).’ Fourth month.”

53
See HJ6573;
Ping-pien
302.

54
According to the
Shih Ching
, “Yin Wu,” Mao #305. Being employed by the Shang to refer to any of the external, mainly steppe peoples who were characterized by distinctive cultural practices and presumably spoke different languages, the term
ch’iang
also has a broader meaning and somewhat derogatory connotations.

55
Meng Shih-k’ai, 1986, 206-207; Ch’en Meng-chia, 281. (Ch’en notes that most of the battles with the Shang occurred in Chin-nan and Ho-nei, around the T’ai-hang Mountains.)

56
Lin Hsiao-an, 241, 260.

57
For a typical expression of this less than universally accepted view, see Wang Shen-hsing, 1992, 116-117. The relationship of the Hsia populace to later steppe groups, including the Ch’iang and Hsiung-nü, has long been a subject of debate. (For example, see Hsü Chung-shu, LSYC 1983:1, 60-61.)

58
Meng Shih-k’ai, 1986, 207-208. (For an enumeration of relevant inscriptions, see Ch’en Meng-chia, 279-281.) Twelve of the fifteen ways employed by the Shang to slay sacrificial victims were used against the Ch’iang (Wang Shen-hsing, 125-130). Liu Feng-hua, KKWW 2007:4, 22- 26, notes that
T’un-nan
refers to beheading forty Ch’iang prisoners, showing that they were slain with impunity.

59
See, among many, Ch’en Meng-chia, 279-281; Meng Shih-k’ai, 207; and Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 170 and 173. Ch’iang were captured in military expeditions and as an aspect of hunting expeditions, as well as while simply attending to pasturing and farming, and even forwarded to the Shang by others.

60
For a general discussion see Luo K’un, 1991, 405-426.

61
As exemplified by Chiang T’ai Kung, the legendary Chou tactician and commander. It would be frequently claimed that the Chiang were descended from Yen Ti, the Red Emperor.

62
For further discussion, see Ch’en Meng-chia, 282.

63
Wang Shen-hsing (1992, 133-140) notes that they frequently proved troublesome prisoners, rebelling, fleeing, and resisting recapture.

64
See Lin Hsiao-an, 241-242, and Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 191-193, as well as such inscriptions as
Ts’ui
1300, HJ6600, HJ6601, HJ6603, HJ6604, HJ6978, and finally HJ6599, which shows that they were perceived as dangerous. (HJ6492 indicates Kuang took fifty prisoners, hardly a large number considering the apparent scope of the conflict, but not insignificant.)

65
Per Lin Hsiao-an’s chronology, 258-261. (Lin also asserts, perhaps dubiously, that Lung-fang forces that had just been vanquished by the Shang also participated as battlefield allies.)

66
The inscriptions for the various Ch’iang campaigns are summarized by Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 170-171; Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 207-209; Liu Hsiao-an, 258-261; Ch’en Meng-chia, 276-279; and Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 492. Despite frequent references to the Ch’iang in Wu Ting’s period, Luo K’un believes they were neither a significant threat nor a major warfare objective in his era, though the capture of “barbarian” prisoners was important. (Luo K’un, 1991, 405- 426, and
Hsia Shang Hsi-Chou Chün-shih Shih
, 185-187. Luo bases his view on distinguishing between the specific tribe or proto-state called Ch’iang and the broad use of the term to designate any of several steppe peoples.) However, the fact that a total of some 2,000 victims were ritually slain according to several inquiries preserved on just one bone would certainly seem to argue for large-scale, frequent warfare and against Luo’s assertion.

67
K’u
130, sometimes misstated as 310. However, there is considerable disagreement whether this badly corrupted inscription discusses a force targeting the Ch’iang (since “ch’iang” is interpolated) or the T’u-fang. (See, for example, Luo K’un, 186.) Lin Hsiao-an, 259-260, argues (albeit from somewhat later materials) that military organization and prerogatives at the time would have precluded Fu Hao from commanding such a large force. Nevertheless, since Fu Hao did exercise power in such important court functions as sacrifice and prognostication, commanding in the king’s stead would not have been beyond the realm of possibility.

68
P’eng Yü-shang, 1994, 145. (Luo, 412, denies that Fu Hao campaigned against the Ch’iang.)

69
Lin Hsiao-an, 260-261. (See especially HJ6630 and HJ6636.)

70
Lin Hsiao-an, 261.

71
Whether this conflict falls at the end of Wu Ting’s middle period or the beginning of his third is somewhat nebulous. Fan Yü-chou, dissatisfied with Tung Tso-pin’s pioneering work (which assigns the campaign to the third month of Wu Ting’s twenty-ninth year), has provided a brief revamped calendar for the clash with the Hsia-wei in
Yin-tai Wu-Ting Shih-ch’i te Chan-cheng
, 1991, 213-214, grouping it with other conflicts in the final period. However, in his “Military Campaign Inscriptions from YH127,” 539, Fan views it as a late middle period clash because it is the last campaign attested by inscriptions found in pit YH127. In contrast, Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 150, ascribes it to the first half of Wu Ting’s reign and Lin Hsiao-an, 251-253, to the middle period. Overall, although there were clashes early on, the main conflict seems to have unfolded during the final years of the middle period.

72
HJ6477a (
Ping-pien
311), for example, preserves simultaneous queries whether the king should attack the Pa-fang with Hsi or the Hsia-wei with Wang Ch’eng. HJ6413 similarly shows campaigns being contemplated against the T’u-fang, Hsia-wei, Lung-fang, and others. HJ6417 records consecutive queries about the Hsia-wei and T’u-fang. (See also Wang Yü-hsin, 149-152, and Lin Hsiao-an, 252-253.)

73
HJ6525.

74
HJ6523,
Hsü
137.1.

75
HJ6496. Also note
Ping-pien
24 and
Ching
1266.

76
Attested by HJ6477, HJ6487, HJ6496, and others.

77
HJ6530a,
Ho
151.

78
HJ6487.

79
Chang Ping-ch’üan, citing
Chin
25, 1988, 489.

80
Yi
6382.

81
HJ6527.

82
See, for example, HJ6451, HJ6459, and HJ6480.

83
See Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 149-152.

84
Lin Hsiao-an, 257.

85
It is thought that the Lung were one of the ancestors of the powerful Hsiung-nu, who were active in the late Warring States and early Han. (See, for example, Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 283.)

86
HJ6476,
Yi
5340. (Convenient listings of Lung campaign inscriptions may be found in Ch’en Meng-chia, 283; Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 316-317 and 489-490; Lin Hsiao-an, 257-258; and Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 164-165.) As apportioned by Fan Yü-chou (230), the commissioning of a few early period generals argues for relatively early clashes, but the first appearance of Fu Ching in a command role implies that they date to Wu Ting’s late middle period or later.

87
HJ6587, HJ6590.

88
Yi
5340.

89
HJ6585/
Hsü
4.26.3 (targeting the Lung and Ch’iang), HJ6584 (targeting the Lung and an unknown enemy but presumably the Ch’iang).

90
HJ6633, HJ6593, HJ6594, HJ6636.

91
HJ6584, HJ6585, HJ6633;
T’ieh
105.3;
Shih
5.5.

92
According to Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 212, evidence that they were about to be defeated is seen in HJ6630, HJ6631, HJ6632, HJ6634, HJ6635, HJ6636, and HJ6638, as well as
Ching-jen
343,
Yi
462, and
Ts’un
2.302. In addition, HJ6587 and H6590 inquire whether Shih Pan will “seize” the Lung.

93
HJ8593.

94
HJ6664b.

95
Ho 626 and 630;
Nei-pien
49, 52, and 132.

96
HJ6630, HJ6631.

97
The problem of relative dating is particularly visible in determining the date of the T’u-fang campaign. Wang Yü-hsin, 1991, 147, who simply divides Wu Ting’s reign into two periods, places it toward the end of the first part, but others who employ a tri-partite division (such as Lin Hsiao-an, 262-263) assign it to late in the middle period. (Tung Tso-pin’s reconstruction in his
Yin-li P’u
has it commencing in the king’s twenty-eighth year, though its accuracy has been questioned by Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 214, and others.)

98
Discussions of critical inscriptions are found in Ch’en Meng-chia, 1988, 272-273; Chang Ping-ch’üan, 1988, 492-493; Lin Hsiao-an, 261-266; Wang Yü-hsin, 145-147; Fan Yü-chou, 214- 219; P’eng Yü-shang, 143-145; and Hu Hou-hsüan, HCCHS 1991:2, 13-20.

99
See Lin Hsiao-an (265), who cites this estimate of marching time from Kuo Mo-juo. (Kuo apparently concluded the T’u-fang were therefore located about 1,000
li
from the Shang center, but in contrast to the maximum average sustained rate of 25
li
known from historical records, his estimate was based on an impossible daily march of 80
li
.) Others, such as P’eng Yü-shang, 144, conclude that the T’u-fang were located to the northwest or west of the Shang and actually quite close, which would agree with twelve days’ march at 25
li
per day, or only 300
li
in total. Although most historians and maps have traditionally placed them to the north, Chao Ch’eng, 2000, 4, locates the T’u-fang east of the Kung-fang, who were active in northern Shaanxi; Hu Hou-hsüan would add southern Inner Mongolia to the T’u-fang’s domain, requiring the main Shang campaigns against them to proceed northwest.

100
Whether the T’u-fang were direct descendants of the Hsia has long attracted considerable speculation, most of it based on detailed but highly imaginative interpretations of
vestiges perceived in traditional historical writings. (For example, see Hu Hou-hsüan, HCCHS 1991:2, 13-20.)

101
See, for example, HJ6381, HJ649, HJ6440, and various inscriptions appealing to the spirits for aid against them, including HJ6384, HJ6385, HJ6386, HJ6388, and HJ39879.

102
Several different terms are used for the Shang response, ranging from “attack” to “destroy.” See Hu Hou-hsüan, HCCHS 1991:2, 16-17, for an enumerative listing.

103
P’eng Yü-shang, 144, and Hu Hou-hsüan, 16-17. For examples, see HJ6087, HJ6354, HJ6389, HJ6391, HJ6392, HJ6393, HJ6396, HJ6400, and HJ39880.

104
For example, see HJ5412, HJ6087,
K’u
237.

105
HJ6452.

106
HJ39889.

107
For example, HJ6401, HJ6402, HJ6403, HJ6415, HJ6416, HJ6417, HJ6419, HJ6420, HJ6421, HJ39885, HJ39887, HJ39888, and HJ6438 (with the
San-tsu
).

108
In addition to the levies listed in the discussion, undated strips—which may well be redundant—at least twice list call-ups of 3,000 men. (See HJ6438, HJ6407, and HJ6410.) HJ6409 records a levy of 5,000 men to “
cheng
” (rectify) the T’u-fang.

109
Based on his analysis of traditional sources, Ch’en Meng-chia, 198, 272-273, concludes that all the campaign inscriptions date to Wu Ting’s reign and that he successfully extirpated them.

110
This reconstructed chronology is based on Lin Hsiao-an, 261-266, and Fan Yü-chou, 1991, 214-219, slightly modified by recourse to the original inscriptions. Though essentially agreeing on the course of the campaign, Lin and Fan disagree on the years of some strips, somewhat altering the sequence of events. (For the major inscriptions see Hu Hou-hsüan, HCCHS 1991:2, 13-20.)

111
HJ6413,
Hsü
3.8.9 (which makes no mention of conscription.
Wai
314 also dates to the eleventh month.) Numerous strips inquiring about undertaking actions against the Hsia-wei and T’u-fang or against the T’u-fang and Kung-fang show their simultaneous nature. (See HJ6413, HJ6427, and HJ39884).

112
HJ6438.