Burma Redux: Global Justice and the Quest for Political Reform in Myanmar (59 page)

128.
 Toshihiro Kudo, “The Impact of U.S. Sanctions on the Myanmar Garment Industry,”
Asian Survey
48:6 (2008), 997–1017, p.998.

129.
 Kudo, “The Impact of U.S. Sanctions on the Myanmar Garment Industry,” p.1008.

130.
 Kudo, “The Impact of U.S. Sanctions on the Myanmar Garment Industry,” pp.1016–17.

131.
 David Lektzian and Mark Souva, “An Institutional Theory of Sanctions Onset and Success,”
Journal of Conflict Resolution
51 (2007), 848–71.

132.
 Susan Hannah Allen, “The Domestic Political Costs of Economic Sanctions,”
Journal of Conflict Resolution
52:6 (2008), 916–44.

133.
 Hufbauer, et al.,
Economic Sanctions Reconsidered
.

134.
 David I. Steinberg,
The Future of Burma: Crisis and Choice in Myanmar
(Lanham, NY: University Press of America, 1990), p.91.

135.
 US Department of State, “Burma: the dialogue is dead,” November 28, 2007. WikiLeaks US Embassy Cables, ref. 07RANGOON1148. US Department of State, “Burma’s generals: starting the conversation,” April 2, 2009. WikiLeaks US Embassy Cables, ref. 09RANGOON205.

136.
 International Crisis Group,
China’s Myanmar Strategy
, p.11.

137.
 Asia Society,
Current Realities and Future Possibilities in Burma/Myanmar
, p.43.

138.
 Asia Society,
Current Realities and Future Possibilities in Burma/Myanmar
, p.105.

139.
 Steinberg, “The United States and Myanmar.”

140.
 An August 2008 US London Embassy cable reported this breakdown of EU opinion: “in addition to the UK, the strong players on this issue are the Nordics – led by a forceful Danish position and then the Swedes and Finns, as well as the Czechs, Dutch and a strong and effective Irish approach. The French are in the middle, constrained primarily by their Total investments and concerns that financial sanctions could impact all of Total’s operations in Burma … At the far end opposing sanctions are the Germans and Austrians – for legalistic reasons – and the Mediterraneans (Italy, Portugal), who are philosophically reluctant to believe that sanctions can have an impact.” US Department of State, “UK doesn’t expect strong new Burma sanctions from EU,” August 8, 2008. WikiLeaks US Embassy Cables, ref. 08LONDON2070.

141.
 Pedersen,
Promoting Human Rights in Burma
.

142.
 Andrew Selth, “Even Paranoids Have Enemies: Cyclone Nargis and Myanmar’s Fears of Invasion,”
Contemporary Southeast Asia
30:3 (2008), 379–402. Mary Callahan, “The Endurance of Military Rule in Burma: Not Why, but Why Not?,” in Susan L. Levenstein, ed.,
Finding Dollars, Sense, and Legitimacy in Burma
(Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2010), 54–76.

143.
 Charles McDermid, “Missing the point on Myanmar,”
Asia Times Online
, July 4, 2009.
www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KG04Ae01.html
.

144.
 National League for Democracy, “Sanctions on Burma.”

145.
 Mark MacKinnon, “Aung San Suu Kyi on Egypt, sanctions and raising the megabyte,”
The Globe and Mail
, February 18, 2011. In 1997, Aung San Suu Kyi wrote this: “Some would insist that man is primarily an economic animal interested only in his material well-being. This is too narrow a view of a species which has produced numberless brave men and women who are prepared to undergo relentless persecution to uphold deeply held beliefs and principles. It is my pride and inspiration that such men and women exist in my country today.” Aung San Suu Kyi, “Please Use Your Liberty to Promote Ours.” Now, however, many compatriots feel she devotes too much attention to principle, and too little to pragmatic issues of daily survival.

146.
 
Straits Times
, “Sanctions must stay in place: Myanmar’s Suu Kyi,” March 23, 2011.

147.
 International Crisis Group,
Myanmar’s Post-election Landscape
(Jakarta/Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2011), p.14.

148.
 “Open letter of Myanmar fraternal democratic parties to European Union regarding economic sanctions against Myanmar,” March 11, 2011.
www.networkmyanmar.org
.

149.
 Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies,
Listening to Voices from Inside: Ethnic People Speak
(Phnom Penh: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, 2010), pp.188–204.

Chapter 6

1.
     David Miller,
Principles of Social Justice
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999).

2.
     John Rawls,
A Theory of Justice
(Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1971), p.8.

3.
     Nozick’s utopia is a collection of states, minimal in the default position and more than minimal if unanimously endorsed by citizens. Robert Nozick,
Anarchy, State, and Utopia
(New York, NY: Basic Books, 1974).

4.
     Peter Singer, “Famine, Affluence, and Morality,”
Philosophy and Public Affairs
1:3(1972), 229–43.

5.
     As will be seen in this chapter and the next, Walzer has been both a key proponent of the communitarian focus on specific societies and cultures, and a leading analyst of just engagement across borders.

6.
     Michael N. Barnett,
The International Humanitarian Order
(Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), p.2.

7.
     Michael Barnett, “Evolution without Progress? Humanitarianism in a World of Hurt,”
International Organization
63:4 (2009), 621–63, p.623.

8.
     Samuel Moyn,
The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).

9.
     Barnett,
The International Humanitarian Order
, p.1.

10.
   James D. Fearon, “The Rise of Emergency Relief Aid,” in Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss (eds),
Humanitarianism in Question: Politics, Power, Ethics
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 49–72.

11.
   Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peace-keeping
, A/47/277 – S/24111 (1992). Also see William Shawcross,
Deliver Us from Evil: Warlords and Peacekeepers in a World of Endless Conflict
(London: Bloomsbury, 2000).

12.
   Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
Supplement to An Agenda for Peace: Position Paper of the Secretary-General on the Occasion of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations
, A/50/60 – S/1995/1, (1995). Panel on United Nations Peace Operations,
Report
, A/55/305 – S/2000/809 (2000).

13.
   International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty,
The Responsibility to Protect
(Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001). UN General Assembly,
2005 World Summit Outcome
, A/RES/60/1 (2005), para. 139. Andrew Cottey, “Beyond Humanitarian Intervention: The New Politics of Peacekeeping and Intervention,”
Contemporary Politics
14:4 (2008), 429–46.

14.
   United Nations Security Council, Resolution 1973, March 17, 2011. S/RES/1973 (2011).

15.
   Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss, “Humanitarianism: A Brief History of the Present,” in Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss (eds),
Humanitarianism in Question: Politics, Power, Ethics
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 1–48.

16.
   David P. Forsythe,
The Humanitarians: The International Committee of the Red Cross
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

17.
   Stephen Hopgood,
Keepers of the Flame: Understanding Amnesty International
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006).

18.
   Barnett and Weiss, “Humanitarianism.”

19.
   David Chandler, “The Road to Military Humanitarianism: How the Human Rights NGOs Shaped a New Humanitarian Agenda,”
Human Rights Quarterly
23:3 (2001), 678–700.

20.
   Ann Marie Clark,
Diplomacy of Conscience: Amnesty International and Changing Human Rights Norms
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001). Human Rights Watch was formed in 1988, following the creation of Helsinki Watch in 1978, Americas Watch in 1981 and Asia Watch in 1985.

21.
   Scott Jerbi, “Business and Human Rights at the UN: What Might Happen Next?,”
Human Rights Quarterly
31:2 (2009), 299–320.

22.
   United Nations Global Compact Office,
Corporate Citizenship in the World Economy
(New York, NY: United Nations, 2008).

23.
   Barnett,
The International Humanitarian Order
, p.2.

24.
   In 1988, before the Wall came down and the international humanitarian order became fully established, Judith N. Shklar focused on this distinction in the Storrs Lectures at Yale Law School. Judith N. Shklar,
The Faces of Injustice
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990).

25.
   Jennifer M. Welsh, “Introduction,” in Jennifer M. Welsh, ed.,
Humanitarian Intervention and International Relations
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 1–7, p.2. Also see Roberta Cohen and Francis M. Deng,
Masses in Flight: The Global Crisis of Internal Displacement
(Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1998).

26.
   Thomas Nagel, “The Problem of Global Justice,”
Philosophy and Public Affairs
33:2 (2005), 113–47.

27.
   Singer, “Famine, Affluence, and Morality,” p.232.

28.
   Thomas Pogge,
World Poverty and Human Rights
, 2
^nd
ed. (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008), p.175.

29.
   Onora O’Neill,
Bounds of Justice
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p.149.

30.
   Charles R. Beitz,
Political Theory and International Relations
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979).

31.
   Henry Shue,
Basic Rights: Subsistence, Affluence, and U.S. Foreign Policy
, 2
^nd
ed. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996). Onora O’Neill,
Faces of Hunger: An Essay on Poverty, Justice and Development
(London: Allen & Unwin, 1986).

32.
   Simon Caney,
Justice beyond Borders: A Global Political Theory
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp.7–15. Hedley Bull,
The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics
(New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1977).

33.
   Chris Brown,
International Relations Theory: New Normative Approaches
(New York, NY: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1992).

34.
   Michael Walzer,
Thinking Politically: Essays in Political Theory
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), p.220.