Everything Bad Is Good for You (10 page)

BOOK: Everything Bad Is Good for You
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So if Dickens could juggle Great Art and Mass Audience, why should we tolerate some of the lesser creatures that populate the high end of the Nielsen ratings today? The answer, I believe, is that the definition of a “mass success” has changed since Dickens's time. On average, Dickens sold around 50,000 copies of the serialized versions of his novels, during a time in which the British population was roughly 20 million. Had Dickens's potential audience been the size of the United States today—280 million people—he would have sold something like 800,000 copies of his first-run novels. The most innovative shows on television today
—The West Wing, 24, The Simpsons, The Sopranos—
often attract between 10 and 15
million
viewers. So by this measure,
West Wing
is roughly twenty times more “mass” than Dickens was, even though Dickens had no mass media rivals for his audience's attention—no television or radio or cinema to compete with. It's no wonder Dickens was able to persuade his readers to keep up with his rhetorical innovations. In his day, Dickens had the per capita audience that would today tune in for a Masterpiece Theatre airing of
Bleak House.
His audience was mass by Victorian standards; no genuinely literary author had attracted that many readers before. But by modern standards, he was writing for the elite.

Dickens may not have been a mass author by modern standards, but you needn't look far to find an example of truly mass cultural successes that are simultaneously the most complex and nuanced in their field. Violent video games like
Quake
or
Doom
tend to dominate the mainstream media discussion of gaming, but the fact is the shooter games are rarities on the gaming best-seller lists. The two genres that historically have dominated the charts are both forms of complex simulation: either sport sims, or GOD games like
SimCity
or
Age of Empires.
The most popular game of all time is the domestic saga
The Sims.
(The closest thing you'll see to a violent exchange in
The Sims
is when one of your virtual characters can't pay the monthly bills.) The sports simulations have reached a level of intricacy that makes the dice-baseball games I explored as a child look like tic-tac-toe—not just in their near-photorealistic graphics, but in the player's ability to control and model the most microscopic aspect of the game. Sega's
2K3
baseball simulator gives you an entire organization to general manage: trading players, nurturing minor leaguers, negotiating salaries and free agents. (This is not, incidentally, a universe of pure numbers. Emotions factor as well. Bench a highly paid prima donna for a few days, and his productivity will diminish, just as it will on the real-world diamond.) As for the social and historical simulations, just think back to my nephew learning about the effects of industrial taxes while playing
SimCity.
The violent games may generate the most outrage, but the games that people reliably line up to buy are the ones that require the most thinking. Somehow in this age of attention deficit disorder and instant gratification, in this age of gratuitous violence and cheap titillation, the most intellectually challenging titles are also the most popular. And they're growing more challenging with each passing year.

 

S
O THIS
is the landscape of the Sleeper Curve. Games that force us to probe and telescope. Television shows that require the mind to fill in the blanks, or exercise its emotional intelligence. Software that makes us sit forward, not lean back. But if the long-term trend in pop culture is toward increased complexity, is there any evidence that our brains are reflecting that change? If mass media is supplying an increasingly rigorous mental workout, is there any empirical data that shows our cognitive muscles growing in response?

In a word: yes.

G
AMES

Y
OU CAN'T GET
much more conventional than the conventional wisdom that kids today would be better off spending more time reading books, and less time zoning out in front of their video games. The latest edition of
Dr. Spock
—“revised and fully expanded for a new century” as the cover reports—has this to say of video games: “The best that can be said of them is that they may help promote eye-hand coordination in children. The worst that can be said is that they sanction, and even promote aggression and violent responses to conflict. But what can be said with much greater certainty is this: most computer games are a colossal waste of time.” But where reading is concerned, the advice is quite different: “I suggest you begin to foster in your children a love of reading and the printed word from the start…. What is important is that your child be an avid reader.”

In the middle of 2004, the National Endowment for the Arts released a study that showed that reading for pleasure had declined steadily among all major American demographic groups. The writer Andrew Solomon analyzed the consequences of this shift: “People who read for pleasure are many times more likely than those who don't to visit museums and attend musical performances, almost three times as likely to perform volunteer and charity work, and almost twice as likely to attend sporting events. Readers, in other words, are active, while nonreaders—more than half the population—have settled into apathy. There is a basic social divide between those for whom life is an accrual of fresh experience and knowledge, and those for whom maturity is a process of mental atrophy. The shift toward the latter category is frightening.”

The intellectual nourishment of reading books is so deeply ingrained in our assumptions that it's hard to contemplate a different viewpoint. But as McLuhan famously observed, the problem with judging new cultural systems on their own terms is that the presence of the recent past inevitably colors your vision of the emerging form, highlighting the flaws and imperfections. Games have historically suffered from this syndrome, largely because they have been contrasted with the older conventions of reading. To get around these prejudices, try this thought experiment. Imagine an alternate world identical to ours save one techno-historical change: video games were invented and popularized
before
books. In this parallel universe, kids have been playing games for centuries—and then these page-bound texts come along and suddenly they're all the rage. What would the teachers, and the parents, and the cultural authorities have to say about this frenzy of reading? I suspect it would sound something like this:

Reading books chronically understimulates the senses. Unlike the longstanding tradition of gameplaying—which engages the child in a vivid, three-dimensional world filled with moving images and musical soundscapes, navigated and controlled with complex muscular movements—books are simply a barren string of words on the page. Only a small portion of the brain devoted to processing written language is activated during reading, while games engage the full range of the sensory and motor cortices.

Books are also tragically isolating. While games have for many years engaged the young in complex social relationships with their peers, building and exploring worlds together, books force the child to sequester him or herself in a quiet space, shut off from interaction with other children. These new “libraries” that have arisen in recent years to facilitate reading activities are a frightening sight: dozens of young children, normally so vivacious and socially interactive, sitting alone in cubicles, reading silently, oblivious to their peers.

Many children enjoy reading books, of course, and no doubt some of the flights of fancy conveyed by reading have their escapist merits. But for a sizable percentage of the population, books are downright discriminatory. The reading craze of recent years cruelly taunts the 10 million Americans who suffer from dyslexia—a condition that didn't even exist as a condition until printed text came along to stigmatize its sufferers.

But perhaps the most dangerous property of these books is the fact that they follow a fixed linear path. You can't control their narratives in any fashion—you simply sit back and have the story dictated to you. For those of us raised on interactive narratives, this property may seem astonishing. Why would anyone want to embark on an adventure utterly choreographed by another person? But today's generation embarks on such adventures millions of times a day. This risks instilling a general passivity in our children, making them feel as though they're powerless to change their circumstances. Reading is not an active, participatory process; it's a submissive one. The book readers of the younger generation are learning to “follow the plot” instead of learning to lead.

It should probably go without saying, but it probably goes better with saying, that I don't agree with this argument. But neither is it exactly right to say that its contentions are untrue. The argument relies on a kind of amplified selectivity: it foregrounds certain isolated properties of books, and then projects worst-case scenarios based on these properties and their potential effects on the “younger generation.” But it doesn't bring up any of the clear benefits of reading: the complexity of argument and storytelling offered by the book form; the stretching of the imagination triggered by reading words on a page; the shared experience you get when everyone is reading the same story.

A comparable sleight of hand is at work anytime you hear someone bemoaning today's video game obsessions, and their stupefying effects on tomorrow's generations. Games are not novels, and the ways in which they harbor novelistic aspirations are invariably the least interesting thing about them. You can judge games by the criteria designed to evaluate novels: Are the characters believable? Is the dialogue complex? But inevitably, the games will come up wanting. Games are good at novelistic storytelling the way Michael Jordan was good at playing baseball. Both could probably make a living at it, but their world-class talents lie elsewhere.

Before we get to those talents, let me say a few words about the virtues of reading books. For the record, I think those virtues are immense ones—and not just because I make a living writing books. We should all encourage our kids to read more, to develop a comfort with and an appetite for reading. But even the most avid reader in this culture is invariably going to spend his or her time with other media—with games, television, movies, or the Internet. And these other forms of culture have intellectual or cognitive virtues in their own right—different from, but comparable to, the rewards of reading.

What are the rewards of reading, exactly? Broadly speaking, they fall into two categories: the information conveyed by the book, and the mental work you have to do to process and store that information. Think of this as the difference between acquiring information and exercising the mind. When we encourage kids to read for pleasure, we're generally doing so because of the mental exercise involved. In Andrew Solomon's words: “[Reading] requires effort, concentration, attention. In exchange, it offers the stimulus to and the fruit of thought and feeling.” Spock says: “Unlike most amusements, reading is an activity requiring active participation. We must do the reading ourselves—actively scan the letters, make sense of the words, and follow the thread of the story.” Most tributes to the mental benefits of reading also invoke the power of imagination; reading books forces you to concoct entire worlds in your head, rather than simply ingest a series of prepackaged images. And then there is the slightly circular—though undoubtedly true—argument for the long-term career benefits: being an avid reader is good for you because the educational system and the job market put a high premium on reading skills.

To summarize, the cognitive benefits of reading involve these faculties: effort, concentration, attention, the ability to make sense of words, to follow narrative threads, to sculpt imagined worlds out of mere sentences on the page. Those benefits are themselves amplified by the fact that society places a substantial emphasis on precisely this set of skills.

The very fact that I am presenting this argument to you in the form of a book and not a television drama or a video game should make it clear that I believe the printed word remains the most powerful vehicle for conveying complicated information—though the
electronic
word is starting to give printed books a run for their money. The argument that follows is centered squarely on the side of mental exercise—and not content. I aim to persuade you of two things:

  1. By almost all the standards we use to measure reading's cognitive benefits—attention, memory, following threads, and so on—the nonliterary popular culture has been steadily growing more challenging over the past thirty years.
  2. Increasingly, the nonliterary popular culture is honing
    different
    mental skills that are just as important as the ones exercised by reading books.

Despite the warnings of Dr. Spock, the most powerful examples of both these trends are found in the world of video games. Over the past few years, you may have noticed the appearance of a certain type of story about gaming culture in mainstream newspapers and periodicals. The message of that story ultimately reduces down to: Playing video games may not actually be a
complete
waste of time. Invariably these stories point to some new study focused on a minor side effect of gameplaying—often manual dexterity or visual memory—and explain that heavy gamers show improved skills compared to non-gamers. (The other common let's-take-games-seriously story is financial, usually pointing to the fact that the gaming industry now pulls in more money than Hollywood.)

Now, I have no doubt that playing today's games does in fact improve your visual intelligence and your manual dexterity, but the virtues of gaming run far deeper than hand-eye coordination. When I read these ostensibly positive accounts of video games, they strike me as the equivalent of writing a story about the merits of the great novels and focusing on how reading them can improve your spelling. It's true enough, I suppose, but it doesn't do justice to the rich, textured experience of novel reading. There's a comparable blindness at work in the way games have been covered to date. For all the discussion of gaming culture that you see, the actual experience of playing games has been strangely misrepresented. We hear a lot about the content of games: the carnage and drive-by killings and adolescent fantasies. But we rarely hear accurate descriptions about what it actually
feels like
to spend time in these virtual worlds. I worry about the experiential gap between people who have immersed themselves in games, and people who have only heard secondhand reports, because the gap makes it difficult to discuss the meaning of games in a coherent way. It reminds me of the way the social critic Jane Jacobs felt about the thriving urban neighborhoods she documented in the sixties: “People who know well such animated city streets will know how it is. People who do not will always have it a little wrong in their heads—like the old prints of rhinoceroses made from travelers' descriptions of the rhinoceroses.”

So what does the rhinoceros actually look like? The first and last thing that should be said about the experience of playing today's video games, the thing you almost never hear in the mainstream coverage, is that games are fiendishly, sometimes maddeningly,
hard.

 

T
HE DIRTY
little secret of gaming is how much time you spend not having fun. You may be frustrated; you may be confused or disoriented; you may be stuck. When you put the game down and move back into the real world, you may find yourself mentally working through the problem you've been wrestling with, as though you were worrying a loose tooth. If this is mindless escapism, it's a strangely masochistic version. Who wants to escape to a world that irritates you 90 percent of the time?

Consider the story of Troy Stolle, a construction site worker from Indianapolis profiled by the technology critic Julian Dibbell. When he's not performing his day job as a carpenter building wooden molds, Stolle lives in the virtual world of
Ultima Online,
the fantasy-themed game that allows you to create a character—sometimes called an avatar—and interact with thousands of other avatars controlled by other humans, connected to the game over the Net. (Imagine a version of Dungeons & Dragons where you're playing with thousands of strangers from all over the world, and you'll get the idea.)
Ultima
and related games like
EverQuest
have famously developed vibrant simulated economies that have begun to leak out into the real world. You can buy a magic sword or a plot of land—entirely made of digital code, mind you—for hundreds of dollars on eBay. But earning these goods the old-fashioned within-the gameworld way takes time—a lot of time. Dibbell describes the ordeal Stolle had to go through to have his avatar, named Nils Hansen, purchase a new house in the
Ultima
world:

Stolle had had to come up with the money for the deed. To get the money, he had to sell his old house. To get that house in the first place, he had to spend hours crafting virtual swords and plate mail to sell to a steady clientele of about three dozen fellow players. To attract and keep that clientele, he had to bring Nils Hansen's blacksmithing skills up to Grandmaster. To reach that level, Stolle spent six months doing nothing but smithing: He clicked on hillsides to mine ore, headed to a forge to click the ore into ingots, clicked again to turn the ingots into weapons and armor, and then headed back to the hills to start all over again, each time raising Nils' skill level some tiny fraction of a percentage point, inching him closer to the distant goal of 100 points and the illustrious title of Grandmaster Blacksmith.

Take a moment now to pause, step back, and consider just what was going on here: Every day, month after month, a man was coming home from a full day of bone-jarringly repetitive work with hammer and nails to put in a full night of finger-numbingly repetitive work with “hammer” and “anvil”—and paying $9.95 per month for the privilege. Ask Stolle to make sense of this, and he has a ready answer: “Well, it's not work if you enjoy it.” Which, of course, begs the question: Why would anyone enjoy it?

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