Marcus Agrippa: Right-hand Man of Caesar Augustus (75 page)

110
. For a discussion of current thinking about Agrippa’s
Orbis Terrarum
see Carey (2003), pp. 61–74. The idea that Agrippa’s map might have just been an inscription has been proposed by K. Brodersen,
Terra Incognita: Studien zur römischen Raumerfassung
,
Spudasmata
59 (1995), pp. 268–287.

111
. Dio 54.11.1–2: ‘
Ἀγρίππας … ταῖς Γαλατίαις προσετάχθη. ἔν τε γὰρ ἀλλήλοις ἐστασίαζον καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν ἐκακοῦντο
.’ Dio calls the Germanic invaders by the name
Κελτῶὶ
.

112
. Dio 54.11.1.

113
. Livy,
AUC
21.38; Polyb. 34.10; Ver.,
Aen
10.15ff.

114
. Caes.,
Bell. Gall
. 1.11: in 58 BCE, Caesar picked this as ‘the shortest route to Further Gaul over the Alps’ departing Ocelum ‘the westernmost village in Nearer Gaul’ and reached the Vocontii on the west bank of the Rhone in six days.

115
. Alpes Cottiae was a Roman client-kingdom of Ligurian royalty, one of three small independent states straddling the western Alps between modern France and Italy. Its name survives in the Cottian Alps. Plut.,
Mar
. 19 notes the Ligurians called themselves Ambrones, which means ‘people of the water’.

116
. On the dynasty of Cottius see Letta (1976), pp. 37–76: King Donnus, or C. Iulius Donnus, was an opportunistic Ligurian who saw his way to longevity by siding with Iulius Caesar during his wars of conquest, whose reward for picking the right side led to his grant of Roman citizen. See Braund (1984), p. 40, who cites an inscription, CIL V.7232, carved for his freedman and freed-woman which preserves the fact of their former master’s name.

117
. From Segusio in the Alpes Cottiae, dated 9–8 BCE, the inscription over a triumphal archway
BFC
9 (1904), 89 = Ehrenberg and Jones (1955), no. 165: ‘
M. Agrippae L. f
. [
Cos III tri
]
b. Potest
. [
…
]
Do
[
nnus
]
et Cott
(
ius?
)
Cott
(
i
)
f
.’

118
. Amm. Marc. 15.10, 2; Chevalier 1976, p. 49, cites one of the so-called Vicarello goblets listing the crossing as ‘
in Alpe Cottia
’. Cottius may have charged users of the road a toll just as the Salassi did when travellers passed through their country at a rate of one drachma per head, most famously Dec. Brutus who was fleeing from Mutina in 43 BCE: Strab.,
Geog
. 4.6.7, 4.6.11.

119
. Chevalier (1976), p. 160.

120
. Dio 54.11.2: ‘
ταῖς Γαλατίαις προσετάχθη: ἔν τε γὰρ ἀλλήλοις ἐστασίαζον καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν ἐκακοῦντο
.’

121
. Cf. Dio 54.24.5 and 54.28.2.

122
. Strab., 4.3.4, Tac.,
Ann
. 12.27.1–2,
Germ
. 28.5 cf.
Hist
. 4.28, 4.63; and Suet.
Div. Aug
. 21.1.

123
. Strab.,
Geog
. 4.3.4: ‘
ταῖς Γαλατίαις προσετάχθη: ἔν τε γὰρ ἀλλήλοις ἐστασίαζον καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν ἐκακοῦντο
’; Suet.,
Div. Aug
. 21.1.

124
. Tac.,
Germ
. 28. See Wells (1972), pp. 134–136.

125
. See Wells (1972), p. 135.

126
. Caes.,
Bell. Gall
. 5.57–58.

127
. A siege camp of T. Labienus was identifed in 2010: Dr S. Hornung entitled ‘Ein spätrepublikanisches Militärlager bei Hermeskeil (Lkr. Trier-Saarburg), Vorbericht über die Forschungen 2010–2011’,
Archaölogisches Korrespondenzblatt
42.2, 2012 published by Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz (
http://web.rgzm.de/1470.html
).

128
. See Edith Mary Wightman,
Roman Trier and the Treveri
, New York (1971), p. 36.

129
. MacKendrik (1971), p. 64; MacMullen (2000), pp. 93–95.

130
. Caes.,
Bell. Gall
. 1.33.

131
. Desbat (2005), p. 5.

132
. Strab., 4.6.11.

133
. See Reinhard (1933), p.90 n. 76, for a survey of scholarship arguing pro and contra ascribing the building of a fourth road connecting Colonia Copia Felix Munatia Lugdunum/Lyon to Massilia/Marseilles to Agrippa.

134
. See Goudineau (1996), p. 488; Strab., 4.3.2 mentions the sixty nations of Tres Galliae comprised of twenty-five in Lugdunensis, eighteen in Belgica and seventeen in Aquitania. Tacitus mentions sixty-four tribes at the time of the revolt of 21 CE (Tacitus, I 3.44) but this may include four civitates that were later part of the Roman province of Germania Superior.

135
. On the ‘Romainzation’ of Gaul see: Wightman (1977), pp. 105–126; Woolf (1997), pp. 339–350.

136
. See Goudineau,
CAH
(1996), p. 497.

137
. See Goudineau,
CAH
(1996), p. 496; Wolff (1998), p. 120.

138
. Ward-Perkins (1970), p. 5.

139
. The date remains controversial: see Amy and Gros (1979); Anderson (2001), pp. 68–79.

140
. Espérandieu (1919), p. 337. He argues (1919, p.338) it was replaced after Agrippa’s death with the second inscription ‘C CAESARI AVGVSTI F COS L CAESARI AVGVSTI F COS DESIGNATO PRINCIPIBVS IVVENTVTIS’,
CIL
12.3155. Espérandieu (1929), Balty (1960), pp. 59–73.

141
. See
http://www.arenes-nimes.com/en/discovering-site/maison-carree
.

142
.
CIL
XII.3153: ‘M. AGRIPPA L F CO[S III … DAT]’;
CIL
XII.3154: ‘
M. AGRIPP
[
A L F COS III … DAT
]’.

143
.
RIC
I 157;
RPC
I 523;
CRE
Ashmolean 413;
ACIP
3373;
SNG
Hunterian 149.

144
.
CIL
XII.3154 was found on the site of the bath house. Pliny,
Nat. Hist
. 36.189 – ‘
Agrippa certe in thermis, quas Romae fecit
…’ – confirms that Agrippa built
thermae
outside Rome.

145
. See E. Espérandieu,
Le Pont du Gard et l’Aqueduc de Nîmes
, 9–11, 1926.

146
. See Fabre, Fiches and Paillet (1991), pp. 63–88. Fabre, Fiches and Paillet (2000).

147
. Cf. Claudius may have used plans drawn up by Iulius Caesar for the remodelling of the port at Ostia: Suet.,
Div. Claud
. 20.

148
. Dio 54.11.2: ‘
οἱ γὰρ Κάνταβροι οἱ ζωργηθέντες τε ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ πραθέντες τούς τε δεσπότας σφῶν ὡς ἕκαστοι ἀπέκτειναν, καὶ πρὸς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανελθόντες πολλοὺς συναπέστησαν, καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν χωρία καταλαβόντες καὶ ἐντειχισάμενοι τοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων φρουροῖς ἐπεβούλευον
.’

149
. See also Colmenero (1979), p. 127. Roddaz (1984), p. 407, shares the view held by G. Alfödy and R. Syme that P. Silius Nerva followed Carisius as governor of Hispania Citerior.

150
. Florus 2.33; Augustus,
RG
26.2. For a full discussion of the war and a comparison of ancient sources see Magie (1920), pp. 323–339.

151
. See Jones (1976), pp. 48–52.
Legiones
V
Alaudae
, VI
Victrix
, and X
Gemina
operated in Asturias, with VI based at Braga; see Jona Lendering’s excellent website
http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/legions.htm
, who suggests a sub-unit of VIII
Augusta
also took part, and that during the Cantabrian War I and II
Augusta
were involved in the building of
colonia
Acci (Guadix el Viejo) in southern Spain.

152
. See Jones (1976), pp. 52–57.

153
. Florus 2.33.

154
. See Goldsworthy (1996), pp. 131–132, citing Caes.,
Bell. Gall
. 4.23 and 7.45.
Concilia
are mentioned by Joseph., in
Bell. Iud
. 3.161–162, 4.366–378, 5.491–502 and 6.236–243.

155
. Dio 54.11.3: ‘
ἐπ᾽ οὖν τούτους ὁ Ἀγρίππας ἐπιστρατεύσας ἔσχε μέν τι καὶ πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας ἔργον: πρεσβύτεροι γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγοι αὐτῶν ὄντες καὶ τῇ συνεχείᾳ τῶν πολέμων τετρυχωμένοι, τούς τε Καντάβρους ὡς καὶ δυσπολεμήτους δεδιότες, οὐκ ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ
.’

156
. Suet.,
Div. Iul
. 70; Livy,
Per
. 113; App.,
Bell. Civ
. 2.92–4; Dio 42.52–5; Lucan,
Pharsalus
5.237–373. Questioning the accuracy of extant accounts of the actual events is Chrissanthos (2001), pp. 63–75. For a general overview of mutinies see Lindsay Powell, ‘The Mood of the Armies: Morale and Mutiny in the Roman Army of the First Century A.D.’,
Exercitus
(Spring 1988), Vol. 2, No. 4, pp. 61–64.

157
. Suet.,
Div. Iul
. 70; Plut.,
Caes
. 51; App.,
Bell. Civ
. 2.93; Dio 42.53; Tac.,
Ann
. 1.42; Lucan,
Pharsalus
5.357–360.

158
. Augustus forbade his legates to use the term
comilitiones
insisting on
milites
: Suet.,
Div. Aug
. 25.1: ‘After the civil wars he never called any of the troops ‘‘comrades,’’ either in the assembly or in an edict, but always ‘‘soldiers’’; and he would not allow them to be addressed otherwise, even by those of his sons or stepsons who held military commands, thinking the former term too flattering for the requirements of discipline, the peaceful state of the times, and his own dignity and that of his household.’

159
. Dio 54.11.4: ‘
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνους μέν, τὰ μὲν νουθετήσας τὰ δὲ παραμυθησάμενος τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐπελπίσας, διὰ ταχέων πειθαρχῆσαι ἐποίησε
.’

160
. Dio 53.25.6.

161
. Dio 53.25.5, 53.29.2.

162
. Dio 53.25.2.

163
. Strab.,
Geog
. 3.3.8.

164
. Lucan,
Pharsalia
6.259: ‘
Cantaber exiguis aut longis Teutonus armis
.’

165
. A short leaf-shaped dagger and
bipennis
are depicted on the reverse of a silver
denarius
minted at Emerita under Carisius, 25–23 BCE (
RIC
I 41, 7a.
BMCRE
I 281) and the curved
falcata
on a
denarius
(
RIC
I 2a and 3,
BMCRE
I 15 and 277, RSC 400b) – see Walter Trillmich, ‘
Colonia Augusta Emerita
, Capital of Lusitania’ in Edmondson (2009), fig. 14.1 nos. 1 and 2 on p. 430. Strab., 3.4.15; Dio 53.25.6, mentions javelin-throwers.

166
. A ‘Celtiberian’ horned helmet is depicted on the reverse of a silver
denarius
minted at Emerita under Carisius 25–23 BCE (
RIC
I 7a and 7b,
BMCRE
I 281 and 282). Round shields are depicted on another silver
denarii
of Carisius singly (
RIC
I 2a and 3,
BMCRE
I 15,
RSC
400b) and piled up
as trophies of war (
RIC
I 4b and 5;
BMCRE
I 283 var. and 284;
RSC
402 and 403). See Walter Trillmich, ‘
Colonia Augusta Emerita
, Capital of Lusitania’ in Edmondson (2009), fig. 14.1 no. 1 on p. 430.

167
. Dio 53.25.6.

168
. Strab., 3.4.15; Flavius Arrianus.
Technè Taktikè
40; Hadrian’s
adlocutio
is preserved in
CIL
VIII.2532.

169
. Strab., 3.4.18: ‘
οὐκ ἴδιον δὲ τῶν Ἰβήρων οὐδὲ τοῦτο σύνδυο ἐφ᾽ ἵππων κομίζεσθαι, κατὰ δὲ τὰς μάχας τὸν ἕτερον πεζὸν ἀγωνίζεσθαι
’. See McCall (2002), pp. 42–43 citing Livy,
AUC
26.4.4–10.

170
. Strab., 3.4.5; Vell. Pat. 2.90.4.

171
. Dio 54.11.2.

172
. Dio 54.11.4: ‘
πρὸς δὲ δὴ τοὺς Καντάβρους πολλὰ προσέπταισεν
’.

173
. Dio 54.11.4: ‘
καὶ γὰρ ἐμπειρίᾳ πραγμάτων, ἅτε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις δεδουλευκότες, καὶ ἀπογνώσει τοῦ μὴ ἂν ἔτι σωθῆναι ἁλόντες ἐχρῶντο
’.

174
. Roddaz (1984), pp. 405–410, questions Dio’s account, beginning with the date. He believes the rebellion began in 20 BCE and only after appreciating the gravity of the situation did Agrippa intervene in the spring of the following year. He posits that the captives turned rebels could not have been held far beyond the conflict zone, perhaps at the mines in northwestern Spain, which would explain the speed of the uprising so soon after the war supposedly ended. He further suggests that the entire region, in particular the mountainous areas, had not been subdued in that war. This difficult terrain was unsuited to the Roman style of war fighting, the effect of which was to degrade the morale of the legionaries who perceived the conflict as a war without end.

175
. Florus 2.33: ‘
quasi quadam cogebat indagine
.’

176
. Attica: Orosius 6.21; Bergida: Florus: 2.33.

177
. Florus 2.33; Orosius 6.21. Mons Vindius may have been one of the mountains in the Cordillera Cantábrica.

178
. Florus 2.33 mentions Aracillum; Orosius 6.21 mentions Racilium. For a discussion see Martino (1982), pp. 32–33, 94–98 and 142.

179
. Florus 2.33; Orosius 6.21. The Miño is the longest river in Galicia, Spain, with an extension of 340 km. For a discussion of the whereabouts of Mons Medullus, see Magie (1920), pp. 334–335.

180
. Florus: 2.33 says 18 miles; Orosius 6.21 says 15 miles.

181
. Orosius 6.21.

182
. Strab., 3.4.17; cf. Florus 2.22 on the Raeti of the central Alps in 15 BCE.