Marcus Agrippa: Right-hand Man of Caesar Augustus (76 page)

183
. Florus 2.33.

184
. Dio 53.25.8.

185
. Dio 53.25.7.

186
.
Denarius
:
RIC
I 4b;
BMCRE
I 284;
RSC
402.

187
. Dio 54.5.1.

188
. See
note 149
above.

189
. Dio 54.5.2–3.

190
. Dio 54.11.5: ‘
ἀποβαλὼν τῶν στρατιωτῶν, συχνοὺς δὲ καὶ ἀτιμώσας ὅτι ἡττῶντο ῾τά τε γὰρ
…’

191
. Dio 54.11.5. Augustus came down hard on recalcitrant units, says Suet.,
Div. Aug
. 24. It is possible
Legio
I was removed to Aquitania or Belgica where it was reconstituted, suggests Syme (1933), p. 16.

192
. Joseph.,
Bell. Iud
. 3.5.1.

193
. Dio 54.11.5: ‘
τέλος δέ ποτε συχνοὺς μὲν ἀποβαλὼν τῶν στρατιωτῶν … τούς τε ἐν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ πολεμίους πάντας ὀλίγου διέφθειρε καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς τά τε ὅπλα ἀφείλετο καὶ ἐς τὰ πεδία ἐκ τῶν ἐρυμνῶν κατεβίβασεν
.’

194
. Hor.,
Epistulae
1.12.26–27: ‘
Cantaber Agrippae … virtute … cecidit
’; Vell. Pat. 2.90.1; Strab., 3.3.8, 6.4.2; Suet.,
Div. Aug
. 21.1.

195
. Dio 54.11.6: ‘
οὐ μὴν οὔτε ἐπέστειλέ τι τῇ βουλῇ περὶ αὐτῶν, οὔτε τὰ ἐπινίκια καίτοι ἐκ τῆς τοῦ Αὐγούστου προστάξεως ψηφισθέντα προσήκατο, ἀλλ᾽ ἔν τε τούτοις ἐμετρίαζεν ὥσπερ εἰώθει, καὶ γνώμην ποτὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ ὑπάτου ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐρωτηθεὶς οὐκ ἔδωκε
.’

196
. Vell. Pat. 2.90.1 and 4. Magie (1920), p. 339, writes ‘it was not until 19 B.C. that these mountain peoples were finally subjugated by the resolution and persistence of Agrippa’. Syme (1959),
pp. 67–68, remarks, ‘the official version celebrated the Spanish campaigns of 26 and 25 B.C. as the final conquest, justifying Augustus’ second closing of the temple of Janus. Yet there was serious fighting in 24 and 22 B.C.; and in 19 B.C. Agrippa completed the subjugation of the Northwest. In fact, there is good cause for speaking of a ten years’ war in Spain.’

197
. After 15 BCE the only legionary two units stationed in Spain were
Legiones
IIII
Macedonica
at Herrera de Pisuerga and X
Gemina
at Braga. Veterans of I and II
Augusta
were resettled in Barcelona and Cartenna (in Mauretania) while those of V
Alaudae
, X
Gemina
and XX
Valeria Victrix
went to Mérida. Learning from the previous legates’ mistakes, after the conflict it seems he may have reorganised the Spanish provinces and turned Asturia and neighbouring Gallaecia into a military district so that never again would the region rebel against Rome, according to Van Nostrand (1915), pp. 95–6. The administrative reorgansation of the Iberian Peninsula during the Augustan period continues to be the subject of debate among modern historians. Some favour 13 BCE, others 27, as the year that the two provinces Hispania Citerior and Ulterior were divided into three,
viz
. Baetica (with its administrative capital at Corduba), Lusitania (administered from Emerita) and Tarraconensis (administered from Tarraco).

198
. Aul. Gell.,
Noct. Att
. 5.6.4; Livy,
AUC
26.4. See Maxfield (1981), pp. 76–79.

199
.
Aureus
:
BMCRE
(Augustus) I 110.
Denarius
:
BMCRE
I 121,
RIC
I 414.

200
. The most complete survey of Roman gold mines in north-west Spain in English are Lewis and Jones (1970), pp. 169–185 and Jones and Bird (1972), pp. 59–74. See also Domergue (1978) and Richardson (1976), pp. 140–141.

201
. Dio 54.20.3.

202
. See Van Nostrand (1915), p. 113.

203
. The spectacular colonnaded stage façade which survives to this day was built in 105 CE, during the reign of Emperor Trajan.

204
.
CIL
II.474 = Dessau,
ILS
130: ‘M AGRIPPA L F COS III TRIB POT III’. Walter Trillmich, ‘
Colonia Augusta Emerita
, Capital of Lusitania’ in J.C. Edmondson (ed.)
Augustus
(Edinburgh University Press, 2009), p.439; see figs. 14.4a. and 4b on p. 440.

205
. See Walter Trillmich, ‘
Colonia Augusta Emerita
, Capital of Lusitania’ in Edmondson (2009), p. 456 and Appendix, p. 466; see fig. 14.11 on p. 457: Trillmich records that the statue was found in the nineteenth century at a house, 13 calle Sagasta.

206
.
CIL
II.1527. Hill (1899), p. 95.

207
. See Boatwright (2000), p. 60, quoting Heiss (1870), p. 270, n. 13.

208
. Dio 54.11.7.

209
. Frontin., 10.5; Pliny
Nat. Hist
. 31.420. The
passus
is measured as two marching steps or five feet. Compare to the Pont du Gard: from the source at Fontaine d’Eure, the aqueduct wound around the southernmost foothills of the Garrigues de Nîmes of the Massif Central along a route of 50km (31 miles).

210
. Frontin., 121.1–3.

211
. Frontin., 22.1: Vitruvius 8.6.1 advises that the fall of an aqueduct should be not less than one-half foot in every 100 feet, or a minimum slope of 0.5 per cent. Compare to the Pont du Gard: most of the aqueduct – 35km (22 miles) – lay underground, comprising a stone conduit enclosed by an arched roof made of local soft limestone slabs, which was then buried with a layer of topsoil. The aqueduct, whose average gradient is only 1 in 3,000 so that the source is only 17m (56 feet) higher than the repartition basin in the city of Nîmes, incorporates regulation basins, dropshaft cascades and multi-cell culverts to manage the water flow – including excess water from storms – on its descent. See Chanson (2002), pp. 326–330.

212
. Frontin., 70.3, 84.1: all save 200
quinariae
, which were used outside the city, entering Rome. Compare to the Pont du Gard: it brought an estimated 200,000 cubic metres (7.1 million cubic feet) of fresh water per day to the city – a journey that took nearly 27 hours to complete. G. Sobin,
Luminous debris: reflecting on vestige in Provence and Languedoc
, University of California Press (1999), p. 205.

213
. Frontin., 98: ‘
qui [Agrippa] iam copia permittente discripsit, quid aquarum publicis operibus, quid lacibus, quid privatis daretur
’ and 99 ‘
Augustus quoque edicto complexus est, quo iure uterentur qui ex commentariis Agrippae aquas haberent
….’

214
. Frontin., 19.2, 22.2, 84.2. The
Horti Luculliani
lay above the modern Piazza di Spagna. Compare to the Pont du Gard: where required to cross streams or valleys, the conduit was carried over short bridges. Of these the Pont du Gard itself is justifiably the most famous. Its elegant arches skip across the valley of the Gardon River in Vers-Pont-du-Gard near Remoulins. (
http://www.pontdugard.fr/en
) Containing an estimated 50,400 tons of limestone, the Pont du Gard was constructed almost entirely without the use of mortar or clamps. Three tiers of arches rise to a height of 49m (161 feet) above the river and span distance of 274m (899 feet). At the base it is 9m (30 feet) wide rising to 3m (9.8 feet) at the top. Deming (2010), pp. 47–54.

215
. Frontin., 84.2.

216
. See Fagan (2002), pp. 105 and 109.

217
.
TDAR
, pp. 518–519.

218
.
TDAR
, pp. 518–519: ‘The general plan of these
thermae
is known from a fragment of the Marble Plan found in 1900 (NS 1900, 633–634; BC 1901, 3–19; LS II.209; Mitt. 1905, 75); from drawings and plans of the sixteenth century (NS 1882, 347–351) when much of the structure was still standing — three in particular, one of Baldassare Peruzzi (Uffizi 456; Geymüller (1883); NS 1882, pl. XXI), a second of Palladio in the Devonshire collection (port. IX. f.14: Rossi’s edition of the Terme dei Romani, Vicenza 1797, pl. II; BC 1901, pl. II), and a third of S. Peruzzi (Uffizi 642); and from the meagre results of excavations (cf. NS 1881, 276–281; 1882, 351–359),’

219
. Pliny,
Nat. Hist
. 35.26, 36.189.

220
. Pliny,
Nat. Hist
. 34.62: three statues of the Scraper survive, the Pentelic marble ‘Vatican Apoxyomenos’, found complete in Trastevere in 1849, now stands in the Museo Pio-Clementino, Vatican City; while the bronze ‘Croatian Apoxyomenos’, found complete in the Adriatic Sea near Lošinj in April 1999, is now in the care of the Zadar Museum; and a fragmentary version in bronze, excavated in Ephesus in 1896, is now in the possession of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.

221
. See Lloyd (1979), pp. 193–204.

222
. Mart.,
Epig
. 5.20, 6.42; cf. Statius,
Silvae
1.5.26.

223
.
Epistles
, 87; Ov.,
Tr
., 3.285ff: Ovid uses the poetic phrase
Virgineus liquor
(
Epistulae Ex Ponto
1.8.38) which has been translated ‘flowing streams of the
Virgo
’ but also as the sexual innuendo ‘damp virgin conduit’.

224
. Favro (1996), p. 179.

225
. Pliny,
Nat. Hist
. 35.26: ‘
exstat certe eius oratio magnifica et maximo civium digna de tabulis omnibus signisque publicandis, quod fieri satius fuisset quam in villarum exilia pelli
.’

226
. Strab.,
Geog
13.1.19.

227
. Juv.,
Sat
. 4.10.356.

228
. Brixia:
CIL
V.4315; Septempeda: 9.5576, ‘… DE SUA PE[C] M [AG]RIPPAE ET SUO … BAS[IL]ICAM FA[CI]EN[DAM] OPERI PRAEF.’

229
.
CIL
IV.3878. Alternatively Fagan (2002), p. 63, speculates a connection with his son Agrippa Postumus through a
balneator
on his staff.

230
. Ver.,
Aen
. 8.675–684 (trans. John Dryden): ‘
in medio classis aeratas, Actia bella, | cernere erat, totumque instructo Marte uideres | feruere Leucaten auroque effulgere fluctus. | hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar | cum patribus populoque, penatibus et magnis dis, | stans celsa in puppi, geminas cui tempora flammas | laeta uomunt patriumque aperitur uertice sidus. | parte alia uentis et dis Agrippa secundis | arduus agmen agens, cui, belli insigne superbum, | tempora nauali fulgent rostrata corona
.’

231
. Pliny,
Nat. Hist
. 7.148: ‘
Philippensi proelio morbi, fuga et triduo in palude aegroti et
(
ut fatentur Agrippa ac Maecenas
)
aqua subter cutem fusa turgidi latebra
….’ Servius,
ad Georg
. 2.162: ‘
Agrippa in secundo vitae suae
…’. For a discussion on the likely content and its use as source material by Roman authors see Lewis (1993), pp. 689–692.

232
. Suet.,
Div. Aug
. 21.3,
Tib
. 9.1, 18; Ov.,
Fast
. 5.595ff;
RG
29.2; Iustin 42.5.11; Livy,
Per
. 141; Eutrop.,
Brev
. 7.9; Orosius 6.21.29L; Vell. Pat. 2.91.1. Suetonius states in his
Tib
. that Tiberius received the
signa
, but in the
Div. Aug
. he states – as all the other sources do – that Augustus did. See also Rose (2005), p. 22. See note above.

233
. Aelius Donatus,
Vita Vergiliana
35.

234
. Suet.,
Div. Aug
. 64.1.

Chapter 7: Associate of Augustus

1
. Dio 54.10.1–2, 54.12.3; Pliny,
Nat. Hist
. 7.46.

2
. Gray (1970), p. 238.

3
. Reinhard (1933), pp. 98–99.

4
. Tac.,
Ann
. 3.56.3: ‘[
Augustus
]
Marcum deinde Agrippam socum eius potestatis
’; cf. 1.3.

5
. Dio 54.12.2: ‘
τῶν νικητηρίων καὶ ἔπεμπον αὐτά. ὁ γὰρ Αὔγουστος καὶ ταῦτα ἀφθόνως τισὶ τήν γε πρώτην ἐχαρίζετο, καὶ δημοσίαις ταφαῖς πλείστους ὅσους ἐτίμα. τοιγαροῦν ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἐλαμπρύνοντο, ὁ δὲ Ἀγρίππας ἐς τὴν αὐταρχίαν τρόπον
’; 54.12.4–5: ‘
ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ ἄλλα τε ἐξ ἴσου πῃ ἑαυτῷ καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τὴν δημαρχικὴν. ἐς τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἔδωκε. τοσαῦτα γάρ σφισιν ἔτη τότε ἐπαρκέσειν ἔφη
.’ Cf. Vell. Pat., 2.90.1: ‘
nunc Agrippae, quem usque in tertium consulatum et mox collegium tribuniciae potestatis amicitia principis evexerat
’ and
RG
6 and 30–31; Suet.,
Div. Aug
. 27.5;
CIL
III.494, VI.32323.53, IX.3150, 3913;
IG
12.5.740.

6
. The term ‘co-regent’ used by Reinhard (1933), pp.98–103, and other modern historians, is one Augustus himself went to great lengths to avoid precisely because of its association with kingship and
dominatio
.

7
. It also itself set a precedent for the men who came after Augustus, for example, Tac.,
Hist
. 1.15: ‘
exemplo divi Augusti qui sororis filium Marcellum, dein generum Agrippam, mox nepotes sus, postremo Tiberium Neronem privignum in proximo sibi fastigio conlocavit
’.

8
. Dio 54.15.1: ‘
τούτων οὖν οὕτω γενομένων συχνοὶ μὲν εὐθὺς συχνοὶ δὲ καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἐκείνῳ καὶ τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ ἐπιβουλεῦσαι, εἴτ᾽ οὖν ἀληθῶς εἴτε καὶ
.’

9
. Sen.,
Ep
. 94.46–47: ‘
dicere solebat multum se huic debere sententiae
.’

10
. Sallust,
Bellum Iugurthinum
10.6: ‘
Equidem ego vobis regnum trado firmum, si boni eritis, sin mali, inbecillum. nam concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maxumae dilabuntur
.’