The Grand Alliance (39 page)

In Africa the Italians had had bad luck in recent months, because the Italian troops there were not familiar with modern tank warfare and were not prepared with anti-tank defence, so that it was relatively easy for the British armoured divisions to capture the not very important Italian positions. Any further advance of the British had been definitely blocked. The Fuehrer had dispatched one of the most able of German officers, General Rommel, to Tripoli with sufficient German forces. The hope that General Wavell would attack had unfortunately not been realised. The British had come upon the Germans in some skirmishes at an outpost, and had thereupon abandoned any further intention of attacking. Should they by chance attempt another attack upon Tripoli [tania] they would court annihilating defeat. Here too the tables would be turned some day, and the British would disappear from North Africa, perhaps even more quickly than they had come.

In the Mediterranean the German Luftwaffe had been doing good work for two months and had inflicted heavy shipping losses on the British, who were holding on tenaciously. The Suez Canal had been blocked for a long time, and would be blocked again. It was no longer any fun for the British to hold out in the Mediterranean.

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If, then, we summed up the military situation in Europe we should come to the conclusion that in the military sphere the Axis was completely master of Continental Europe. A huge army, practically idle, was at Germany’s command, and could be employed at any time and at any place the Fuehrer considered necessary.

Leaving the military for the political scene, Ribbentrop said: Confidentially, he could inform Matsuoka that present relations with Russia were correct, to be sure, but not very friendly. After Molotov’s visit, during which accession to the Three-Power Pact was offered, Russia had made conditions that were unacceptable. They involved the sacrifice of German interests in Finland, the granting of bases on the Dardanelles, and a strong

[Soviet] influence on conditions in the Balkans, particularly in Bulgaria. The Fuehrer had not concurred, because he had been of the opinion that Germany could not permanently subscribe to such a Russian policy. Germany needed the Balkan Peninsula above all for her own economy, and had not been inclined to let it come under Russian domination. For this reason she had given Rumania a guarantee. It was this latter action particularly that the Russians had taken amiss.

Germany had further been obliged to enter into a closer relationship with Bulgaria in order to obtain a vantage-point from which to expel the British from Greece.

Germany had had to decide on this course because this campaign would otherwise not have been possible.

This too the Russians had not liked at all.

In these circumstances relations with Russia were externally normal and correct. The Russians, however, had for some time demonstrated their unfriendliness to Germany whenever they could. The declaration made to Turkey within the last few days was an example of this. Germany felt plainly that since Sir Stafford Cripps became Ambassador to Moscow … ties between Russia and England were being cultivated in secret and The Grand Alliance

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even relatively openly. Germany was watching these proceedings carefully.

Ribbentrop continued:

He knew Stalin personally, and did not assume that the latter was inclined towards adventure; but it was impossible to be sure. The German armies in the East were prepared at any time.
Should Russia some day
take a stand that could be interpreted as a threat to
Germany the Fuehrer would crush Russia. Germany
was certain that a campaign against Russia would end
in the absolute victory of German arms and the total
crushing of the Russian Army and the Russian State.

The Fuehrer was convinced that in case of action
against the Soviet Union there would in a few months
be no more Great Power of Russia.
In any case, the Fuehrer was not counting on the treaties with Russia alone, but was relying first of all on his
Wehrmacht.

It must also not be overlooked that the Soviet Union, in spite of all protestations to the contrary, was still carrying on Communistic propaganda abroad. It was attempting not only in Germany, but also in the occupied areas of France, Holland, and Belgium, to continue its misleading propagandist activity. For Germany this propaganda naturally constituted no danger. But what it had unfortunately led to in other countries Matsuoka well knew. As an example, the Reich Foreign Minister cited the Baltic States, in which today, one year after the occupation by the Russians, the entire intelligentsia had been wiped out and really terrible conditions prevailed. Germany was on guard, and would never suffer the slightest danger from Russia.

Further, there was the fact that Germany had to be protected in the rear for her final battle against England.

She would therefore not put up with any threat from Russia if such a threat should some day be considered serious. Germany wanted to conquer England as rapidly as possible, and would not let anything deter her from doing so.

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These were grave words for the Reich Foreign Minister to use on such an occasion, and Matsuoka could certainly not complain that he had not been kept well informed.

Ribbentrop then reiterated that

the war had already been definitely won for the Axis.

It could in any case no longer be lost. It was now only a question of time until England would admit having lost the war. When, he could, of course, not predict. It might be very soon. It would depend upon events of the next three or four months. It was highly probable, however, that England would capitulate in the course of this year.

Finally he spoke of America.

There was no doubt that the British would long since have abandoned the war if Roosevelt had not always given Churchill new hope. It was difficult to say what Roosevelt’s intention was in the long run. It would be a long time before the American aid in munitions for England would really be effective, and even then the quality of airplane deliveries was doubtful. A country far from the war could not turn out the highest quality aircraft. What the German fliers had thus far encountered they described as “junk.”

The Three-Power Pact [he said] had above all the goal of frightening and keeping America out of the war.

The principal enemy of the New Order was England, who was as much the enemy of Japan as of the Axis Powers.

Ribbentrop then stated that

the Fuehrer, after careful consideration, believed that it would be advantageous if Japan would decide as soon as possible to take an active part in the war upon England. A quick attack upon Singapore, for instance, would be a decisive factor in the speedy overthrow of England. If today in a war against England Japan were to succeed with one decisive stroke on Singapore Roosevelt would be in a very difficult position. If he

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declared war upon Japan he must expect that the Philippine question would be resolved in favour of Japan. He would probably reflect for a long time before incurring such a serious loss of prestige. Japan, on the other hand, through the conquest of Singapore would gain an absolutely dominant position in that part of East Asia. She would in fact “cut the Gordian knot.”

After an interval for luncheon, Matsuoka was received by Hitler. The Fuehrer dwelt in his own words upon German military triumphs. Since the war began sixty Polish, six Norwegian, eighteen Dutch, twenty-two Belgian, and one hundred and thirty-eight French divisions had been eliminated, and twelve or thirteen British divisions had been driven from the Continent. Resistance to the will of the Axis Powers had become impossible. Hitler went on to speak of the British losses in tonnage. The real U-boat warfare was just beginning. In the present and coming months England would be damaged to an extent far surpassing her present rate of losses. In the air Germany had absolute supremacy, in spite of all the claims of the English to success. The attacks of the Luftwaffe in the coming months would actually grow much stronger. The effectiveness of the German blockade had made rationing more severe in England than in Germany. Meanwhile the war would go on in preparation for the final stroke against England.

Matsuoka listened to this harangue. He expressed his thanks for the frankness with which he had been treated.

He said that on the whole he agreed with the view of the Fuehrer. There were in Japan, as in other countries, certain intellectual circles which only a powerful individual could hold firmly under control.
Japan would take action in a
decisive form if she had the feeling that otherwise she
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would lose a chance which could only occur once in a
thousand years.
He had explained to the two princes of the Japanese Imperial Family that preparation could not always be complete and perfect. Risks must be run. It was only a question of time when Japan would attack. The hesitant politicians in Japan would always delay, and act partly from a pro-British or pro-American attitude. Personally he wished the attack to come as soon as possible. Unfortunately he did not control Japan, but had to bring those who were in control round to his point of view. He would certainly be successful some day, but at the present moment and under these circumstances he could make no pledge on behalf of the Japanese Empire that it would take action. He would give his closest attention to these matters on his return. He could make no definite commitment, but he personally would do his utmost. These were considerable reservations.

He then referred to his conference with Stalin when he had passed through Moscow. He had at first wanted only to make a courtesy call on Molotov, but the Russian Government had proposed a meeting between him, Stalin, and Molotov. He had conversed with Molotov, taking into account the necessary translations, for perhaps ten minutes, and with Stalin for twenty-five minutes. He had told Stalin that the Japanese were
moral
Communists, though he did not believe in political and economic Communism. This Japanese ideal of moral Communism had been overthrown by the liberalism, individualism, and egoism produced in the West. The ideological struggle in Japan was extremely bitter, but those who were fighting for the restoration of the old ideals were convinced they would finally win. The Anglo-Saxons represented the greatest hindrance to the establishment of the New Order. He had told Stalin that after the collapse of the British Empire the differences between Japan and Russia would be

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eliminated. The Anglo-Saxons were the common foe of Japan, Germany, and Soviet Russia. After some reflection Stalin had stated that Soviet Russia had never got along well with Great Britain and never would.

The conversations in Berlin were continued throughout March 28 and 29 without altering the essential features: first, the Germans strove hard to persuade Japan to attack the British Empire; secondly, they admitted that their relations with Russia were uncertain; and, thirdly, they made it plain that Hitler hoped earnestly to avoid a conflict with the United States.