The Mansion of Happiness (45 page)

71.
Ruth Schwartz Cowan, “Gilbreth, Lillian Evelyn Moller,” in
Notable American Women: The Modern Period, A Biographical Dictionary
, ed. Barbara Sicherman and Carol Hurd Green (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1980), 271–73.

72.
Jeffrey Cruikshank,
A Delicate Experiment: The Harvard Business School, 1908–1945
(Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1987), 165–66. For more on the Kitchen Efficient, see “Fatigue Laboratory: Agency History” (unpublished manuscript), Baker Library, Harvard Business School.

73.
David Bruce Dill, “Fatigue Studies Among Mississippi Sharecroppers,”
Harvard Alumni Bulletin
(October 20, 1939): 113–19. Offprints of this and several other papers reporting on this series of experiments are filed in Fatigue Laboratory: Collected Publications, 1924–1946, Box 2, Folder 190–201, Baker Library, Historical
Collections, Harvard Business School. D. B. Dill et al., “Properties of the Blood of Negroes and Whites in Relation to Climate and Season,”
Journal of Biological Chemistry
136 (November 1940): 449–60 (Folder 210–222). W. H. Forbes et al., “Leukopenia in Negro Workmen,”
American Journal of the Medical Sciences
201 (March 1941): 407–12 (Folder 223–233). S. Robinson et al., “Adaptations of White Men and
Negroes to Prolonged Work in Humid Heat,”
American
Journal of Tropical Medicine
21 (March 1941): 261–87 (Folder 223–233). S. Robinson et al., “Adaptations to Exercise of Negro and White Sharecroppers in Comparison with Northern Whites,”
Human Biology
13 (May 1941): 139–58 (Folder 234–243). J. W. Thompson, “The Clinical Status of a Group of Negro Sharecroppers,”
Journal of the American Medical Association
117 (1941): 6–8 (Folder
244–250).

74.
Lillian M. Gilbreth,
The Home-maker and Her Job
(New York: D. Appleton, 1927), 23.

75.
Ibid., 96.

76.
Cowan, “Gilbreth, Lillian Evelyn Moller.”

77.
Frank B. Gilbreth Jr.,
Time Out for Happiness
, 148; on Grieves’s duties, see 193; the icebox, 210–11; the rolling cart, 213.

78.
Ibid., 213.

79.
Frank B. Gilbreth Jr. and Ernestine Gilbreth Carey,
Belles on Their Toes
(New York: Crowell, 1950), 225–26. Lillian decided not to sell her house, calculating that “people who could afford to run such a large house didn’t have families that size any more.”

80.
Brandeis, foreword (dated May 1912) to Gilbreth,
Primer of Scientific Management
, viii.

81.
Arlie Russell Hochschild,
The Time Bind: When Work Becomes Home and Home Becomes Work
(New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997), 6.

82.
Lancaster,
Making Time
, 348–50.

83.
Ibid., 227. Lillian Gilbreth’s best statement of a philosophy of work is in her “Work and Leisure,” in
Toward Civilization
, ed. Charles A. Beard (London: Longmans, Green, 1930): 232–52.

1.
Steven Schlossman, “Perils of Popularization: The Founding of
Parents’ Magazine
,”
Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development
50 (1985): 65–77, and Diane Looms Weber, “Hecht, George Joseph,” in
American National Biography Online
(2000). George Hecht,
The War in
Cartoons: A History of the War in 100 Cartoons by 27 of the Most Prominent American Cartoonists
(New York: Dutton, 1919).

2.
“Prospectus,”
Mother’s Magazine
1 (January 1833): 4.

3.
The best history of American magazines remains Frank Luther Mott,
A History of American Magazines
, 5 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1938–1968); but see also John Tebbel and Mary Ellen Zuckerman,
The Magazine in America, 1741–1990
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).

4.
Isaiah Wilner,
The Man Time Forgot: A Tale of Genius, Betrayal, and the Creation of
Time
Magazine
(New York: HarperCollins, 2006), 83–87, 132. On the prehistory of the magazine, including naming, etc., see especially Alan Brinkley,
The Publisher: Henry Luce and His American Century
(New York: Knopf, 2010), 99. For more on
Time
’s history, see also Angeletti Norberto and Alberto Oliva,
Time: The Illustrated History of the World’s Most Influential Magazine
(New York: Rizzoli, 2010), and John Kobler,
Luce: His Time, Life and Fortune
(New York: Doubleday, 1968).

5.
Brinkley,
The Publisher
, 138.

6.
Time
’s prospectus appears in Wilner,
The Man Time Forgot
, 85–86. The
New Yorker
’s prospectus is reprinted in Gigi Mahon,
The Last Days of
The New Yorker (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988), 14–16. “Of All Things,”
New Yorker
, February 21, 1925. That the
New Yorker
would not be written for an old lady in Dubuque was a dig at
Time
, but it was a dig at a lot of
other magazines, too.
Edmund Wilson once wrote to
James Thurber that a certain Iowan was an “old cliché of New York editorial offices.” Wilson had been on the staff of
Vanity Fair
between 1920 and 1923, when its editor was
Frank Crowninshield: “Crowninshield used to say, when confronted with something that he feared was too esoteric: ‘Remember, there’s an old lady
sitting in Dubuque, and she has to be able to understand everything we print.’ ” Wilson always figured he was kidding. Wilson is quoted in Ben Yagoda,
About Town: The
New Yorker
and the World It Made
(New York: Scribner, 2000), 48. On the rivalry between Ross and Luce, see also Jill Lepore, “Untimely,”
New Yorker
, April 12, 2010.

7.
Clara Savage Littledale (hereafter CSL), “And George Did It!” undated typescript, Box 2, CSL Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe.

8.
A useful summary of available data is Michael Caines, “Fertility and Mortality in the United States,” EH. Net Encyclopedia, ed. Robert Whaples, March 19, 2008;
http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/haines.demography
. See also Michael Caines and Richard H. Steckel, eds.,
A
Population History of North America
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

9.
The literature on demographic transition is vast, but a valuable account of this transition in the United States, along with a summary of the scholarship, can be found in Susan E. Klepp,
Revolutionary Conceptions: Women, Fertility, and Family Limitation in America, 1760–1820
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009); the
Essex Almanac
for 1771 is quoted on 103. Histories of contraception include Norman E. Hines,
Medical History of Contraception
(Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1936); Angus McLaren,
A History of Contraception: From Antiquity to the Present Day
(London: Basil Blackwell, 1990); and James Reed,
From Private Vice to Public Virtue: The Birth Control Movement and American Society Since 1830
(New York: Basic Books, 1978). But the most important
account is Linda Gordon,
Woman’s Body, Woman’s Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America
(New York: Viking, 1976), and her revision of that work, Linda Gordon,
The Moral Property of Women: A History of Birth Control Politics in America
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002). Gordon argues that “birth control has always been primarily an issue of politics, not of technology” (2). On the folklore of birth control from
antiquity to the twentieth century, see Gordon,
Moral Property
, 13–21.

10.
Frances K. Goldscheider et al., “A Century (Plus) of Parenthood: Changes in Living with Children, 1880–1990,”
History of the Family
6 (2001) 477–94.

11.
On the history of parenting advice, see especially Peter N. Stearns,
Anxious Parents: A History of Modern Childrearing in America
(New York: New York University Press, 2003), and Ann Hulbert,
Raising America: Experts, Parents, and a Century of Advice About Children
(New York: Knopf, 2003).

12.
Biographical and genealogical information can be found in Box 1 of the CSL Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe. See also Littledale’s obituary: “Mrs. Littledale, Magazine Editor,”
New York Times
, January 10, 1956. The diaries, which begin on January 1, 1907, can be found in Box 1 of the CSL Papers.

13.
Dustin Harp,
Desperately Seeking Women Readers: U.S. Newspapers and the Construction of a Female Readership
(Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2007), 22–31.

14.
All diary entries can be found in the diaries contained in Box 1 of the CSL Papers.

15.
Adelheid Popp,
The Autobiography of a Working Woman
(Chicago, 1913); on life not fit for a human being, see 108–9.

16.
Gilman quoted in Gordon,
Moral Property
, 93.

17.
For Sanger comparing another speaker favorably to Gilman, see Sanger’s diary entry for December 17, 1914, in Margaret Sanger,
The Selected Papers of Margaret Sanger
, ed. Esther Katz (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2003–10), 1:106; and for her seeing Gilman speak in New York earlier that year, see 107.

18.
Selected Papers of Margaret Sanger
, 1:69–74.

19.
Gordon,
Moral Property
, 143.
Selected Papers of Margaret Sanger
, 1:41. Reed,
From Private Vice to Public Virtue
, 70, 73. Margaret Sanger,
An Autobiography
(New York: Norton, 1938), 89.

20.
Savage’s stories for
Good Housekeeping
included “Men—and Women’s Clubs,”
Good Housekeeping
61 (May 1916), 610–16, and “The Children’s Bureau and You,”
Good Housekeeping
66 (January 1918): 53–54.

21.
Selected Papers of Margaret Sanger
, 1:194–5; Reed,
Private Vice, Public Virtue
, 106–7; Gordon,
Moral Property
, 156–57; Sanger,
Autobiography
, 215–21; David M. Kennedy,
Birth Control in America: The Career of Margaret Sanger
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1970), 82–88.

22.
Paul Popenoe, “Birth Control and Eugenics,”
Birth Control Review
1 (April–May
1917): 6, and Roswell H. Johnson, “Birth Control Not Prevention,”
Birth Control Review
1 (April-May 1917): 6. See also Kennedy,
Birth Control in America
, 118.

23.
Mary L. Read, “Mothercraft,”
Journal of Heredity
7 (1916): 339–42.

24.
[Name omitted] to Margaret Sanger, November 27, 1922, in
Selected Papers of Margaret Sanger
, 1:355.

25.
Barbara Straus Reed, “Littledale, Clara Savage,” in
American National Biography Online
(2000) and the Finding Aid to the CSL Papers, Schlesinger Library,
http://oasis.lib.harvard.edu/oasis/deliver/~sch00098
. CSL, “Sublimation,”
New Republic
, July
16, 1924.

26.
Samuel J. Lewis, “Thumbsucking: Its Dangers and Treatment,”
Parents’ Magazine
, June 1930, 23, 50–51; A.E.P. Searing, “Have Your Children the Daily Bath Habit?,”
Parents’ Magazine
, June 1930, 27, 71; Mary Fisher Torrance, “How Well Do We Protect Our Children?,”
Parents’
Magazine
, June 1930, 20–21, 68–70; quote from 20.

27.
CSL, untitled typescript, n.d., Box 2, CSL Papers.

28.
J. George Frederick, “Can a Tired Businessman Be a Good Father?,”
Parents’ Magazine
, April 1927, 15.

29.
CSL, “And George Did It!”

30.
Stella Crossley, “Confessions of an Amateur Mother,”
Children: A Magazine for Parents
, March 1927, 28–29.

31.
Margaret Sanger,
Motherhood in Bondage
(1928; repr., Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2000), 47. Anne Kennedy, Congressional reports 1925 and 1926, Folders 494, 495, and 496, American Birth Control League Records, Houghton Library, Harvard University. And, on the number of clinics in 1930, see Gordon,
Moral Property
, 187–88.

32.
Memorandum on Proposed Merger between the American Birth Control League and the American Eugenics Society, March 2, 1933. Planned Parenthood Federation of America Records (hereafter PPFA Records) are at Smith College, Sophia Smith Collection, PPFA I, Series 1, Box 3, Folder 4.

33.
Gordon,
Moral Property
, 206–8.

34.
CSL, “And George Did It!”

35.
Marcel C. LaFollette,
Making Science Our Own: Public Images of Science, 1910–1955
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), especially 10–25. The
Science Service was founded in 1920 as

a nonprofit syndicate, to distribute “general news of science.” Initially financed by newspaper publisher
E. W. Scripps, the service was later sponsored by the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the National Research Council, and it represents a turning point for scientists’ open and formalized participation in public communications efforts. Its avowed purpose was to promote a positive image of
science. The founding editor, chemist and writer
Edwin E. Slosson, declared that the Service would not “indulge in propaganda unless it be propagandas to urge the value of research and the usefulness of science.” By the mid-1930s, the Service was meeting a subscription list of over 100 newspapers and reaching about one-fifth of the U.S. reading public.

See also Dorothy Nelkin,
Selling Science: How the Press Covers Science and Technology
(1987; repr., New York: Freeman, 1995). For an interesting and slightly different view, see John C. Burnham,
How Superstition Won and Science Lost: Popularizing Science and Health in the United States
(New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1987). Burnham’s chapter 5 is the most relevant. “Between 1920 and
1925,” Burnham writes, “the volume of science news doubled in major papers” (174). Also: by 1927, “the Associated Press had two [science] writers and a special science news service” (175).