Read The Myth of Nazareth: The Invented Town of Jesus Online
Authors: Rene Salm
[24]
Gonen in
Arch.
, p. 60.
[25]
ESI
vol. 12 (1994) pp. 19–21.
[26]
Finkelstein 1995:62.
[27]
Arch
. 111, 123.
[28]
Wood 1990:16, 39.
[29]
Finkelstein 1995:48.
[30]
Arch
. 119–120.
[31]
Arch
. 97.
[32]
Arch
. 128.
[33]
These two centuries are variously termed the Early Bronze IV B–C (Dever), the Middle Bronze I (Amiran), or the Intermediate Period (Gophna).
This book follows the latter terminology.
Cf
.
Arch
. 128;
APHL
12.
[34]
Kenyon 1966:15–26. The disorganized bones are not evidence of secondary burial (re-burial after the body had decomposed). Secondary burial in ossuaries was practiced for a fairly short time at the turn of the era.
[35]
Arch
. 157.
[36]
CAH
II/1 p. 19.
[37]
APHL 80.
Cf
. Engberg Fig. 14:P 4122; Pl. 23:11; Ben-Tor 1992:145, APHL Fig. 5:12. Regarding
Exc.
Fig. 211:19 see Meyerhof Pl. 7/4:10 & 4:17; Engberg, Fig. 4:12P. Regarding
Exc.
Fig. 210:15, for its form see Meyerhof plates 12/3:25; 13/3:47; 17/23:49; 20/33:14, all with spouts or handles.
[38]
Exc
267.
[39]
Bagatti devotes ten pages of his
Excavations
to the Bronze Age (
Exc
258–68.
Cf
. also pp. 74–75).
[40]
Exc
236.
[41]
See Chapters Two, Three, and Four.
[42]
In
Illus. 1.5
it will be seen that two pottery vessels found in Silos 22 or 57 may date to the Late Bronze. However, they may in fact be Iron Age vessels. In any case, these objects do not materially affect the argument that all our evidence from the Bronze Age at Nazareth comes from tombs.
[43]
Tomb 81 on the east side of the valley appears to be an anomaly. I have not been able to ascertain its exact location.
[44]
It may be objected that without actual evidence of Bronze Age habitations in the valley, it is possible that a peripatetic clan used the Nazareth basin only for burial. However, it is hardly conceivable that people returned to the basin annually for a whole millennium without ever settling there.
[45]
On this tomb see Yeivin 145;
‘Atiqot
IV (1965) Suppl., p. 14;
RB
70 (1963) p 563;
RB
72 (1965) p. 547;
Exc
. 246.
[46]
RB
70 (1963), p. 563.
[47]
The plan of Tomb 80 is unpublished.
[48]
Intramural burial (under house floors) was also practiced in the Bronze-Iron ages (
Arch.
191).
[49]
Kenyon describes a typical example from Megiddo (Kenyon 24–28; Guy 136; also Meyerhof, Tomb 3).
[50]
Discussion and plan at
Exc.
37–38. On the shaft tomb see also Finegan 181–82.
[51]
Late IP and early MB IIA in this study’s terminology.
[52]
Exc.
37 n.2.
[53]
ABD, “Burial,” vol.1:785. Cf. also Kenyon, Digging Up Jericho, and Excavations at Jericho; P. Guy, Megiddo Tombs (Chicago, 1938).
[54]
Arch 166, 193.
[55]
Wood 40.
[56]
Bagatti signals an “oven” under the CA, which he dates to Byzantine times (Exc. 62).
[57]
Arch. 193.
[58]
Arch
.160–61, 179.
[59]
For the scarab see
Exc
. fig. 211:14; the alabaster jars fig. 213:1–2.
[60]
ABD
, “Palestine, Archaeology of,” p. 111. Dever terms MB IIC “MB III.”
[61]
CAH
II.1.451.
[62]
R. Gonen in
Arch
. 217.
[63]
The results of this section reveal the impossibility of earlier theories held by the Church. Father C. Kopp postulated that settlement began at Nazareth
c
. 3000 BCE: “Given the parallels with neighboring Megiddo, it is safe to assume that the beginnings of historical civilization [
geschichtlichen Civilisation
] were laid about 3,000 BCE” (Kopp 1938:188). The same writer held that Nazareth moved from the hillside to the valley floor a millennium later: “It seems, accordingly, that as early as about 2000 BCE the inhabitants sought out a place for themselves on the valley floor, one which better met their increased needs” (
ibid
. p. 189). Of course, both theories are untenable as the settlement was only beginning in the late third millennium.
[64]
Arch
. 296.
[65]
Singer 282, 293
f
.
[66]
Gal 1988:83; Finkelstein 1995:62.
[67]
Arch
. 214.
[68]
“Galilee,” in
OEANE
, p. 451.
[69]
Gal 1994:43. Japhia, Horvat Maltah, and Horvat Deborah are nearby Iron I sites. None is situated in the Nazareth basin itself.
[70]
NEAEHL
, “Megiddo,” p. 1013.
[71]
Dessel 29, 31.
[72]
Gal 1992:82.
[73]
‘Afula (Dothan); Har Yona (Alexandre); Migdal Ha-‘Emeq (Covello-Paran); Ta’anach (Rast); Tel Gath Hefer (Alexandre, Covello-Paran and Gal); Tell Qiri (Ben-Tor and Portugali).
[74]
Alexandre 188. Lying outside the Nazareth basin, the data from this tomb are not included in the Primary Reports of this book, nor incorporated into
Illus. 1.5
(above).
[75]
Arch
. 286. A dunam is 1,000 square meters (about 31.6 m per side), equivalent to a quarter acre. Ten dunams make one hectare (100 m per side).
[76]
Vitto 167.
[77]
Singer 322.
[78]
Barnavi 14.
[79]
Barnavi 11.
[80]
Exc
. 44 and 73.
[81]
See Chapters 2 and 3.
[82]
“Galilee,” in
OEANE
, p. 451.
[83]
Gal 1988:62.
[84]
Aviam cites: S. Klein,
Sepher HaYishuv
. Jerusalem, 1977 (Hebrew); Horsley 1996.
[85]
Aviam 2004:41.
Cf
. also Freyne, “Archaeology,” p. 133.
[86]
S. Freyne, “Galilee” in
OEANE
p. 371. The depopulation of Galilee continues to be questioned by some scholars. See Chancey 32–34; Horsley 1995:26–27.
[87]
Aviam is of the opinion that “Jewish survivors gradually concentrated in the western part of Lower Galilee” (Aviam 2004:42).
[88]
Exc
. endplate.
[89]
See
Exc
. fig. 210:23, 25, 26.
[90]
APHL
129. Amiran’s Plate 39:14 depicts a bowl of similar design, with a ring base (
cf
.
Exc
. 210:23).
[91]
Finkelstein 1988:266.
[92]
This book follows the numbering system of Bagatti’s 1969
Excavations in Nazareth
.