World War Two Will Not Take Place (19 page)

A large screen hung from the ceiling at one end of the room. Knecht had projector slides for parts of the likely route. He presented a series of them now. ‘The British king, also, wishes to be thought of as close to his people, and so the procession is likely to take in certain areas away from the well-known London thoroughfares – areas of inexpensive housing, shops and businesses. Here, for instance, is North Lambeth.' Knecht pointed with a cane. ‘I can divide my concerns into three categories. One: organized so-called ‘political' demonstrations against the visit. Two: a street level assault on the vehicle carrying the Führer and the king, perhaps with a firearm, possibly by someone mentally disturbed and/or Jewish. And three: an organized attack by sharpshooter, sniper rifle, from an upper window in domestic premises or a business property.'

But Knecht spoke lightly of these ‘concerns', as if he had absolute confidence they could be comfortably dealt with. Valk thought it demonstrated complete trust in him and his London mission. This illustrated what he had meant by describing the atmosphere as joyous and festive. Although a proper awareness of difficulties and dangers existed, the readiness to cope with them was magnificently evident, along with an absolute belief in the officers, such as Valk, who would counter those difficulties and dangers.

Of course, he felt to some degree patronized by Knecht, the jumped up, self-adoring, pomaded twerp.
Get over to London and do a bit of a survey for me, would you, Andreas? I think you'll manage that quite well
. This was a man ten years younger, of negligible combat experience, if any, who had probably been helped to his present rank by influential friends. He belonged to a new brand of leader, chosen not for ability, but from cronyism and perhaps the youthfulness of his arse, though the Führer had better not get to hear promotion could depend on that: remember his disgust when the head of the army, Colonel General von Fritsch, was accused of homosexuality – wrongly, as it turned out.

But, at least Knecht could recognize the tested flair Valk would bring to this assignment and have full faith in it. He depended on Valk, and he knew he did. That would be regardless of ‘bombardment trauma', suppose Knecht really did think Valk displayed this. Knecht had not only put the Führer's basic security in his hands, but also chosen him for the delicate job of collecting any spice and filth findable about the British Cabinet minister Lionel Paterin. Valk would pass that task on, yes, but it would still be nominally his; as a great scientist might have his name, and only his, given to a wonderful discovery, though laboratory technicians had helped with the rudimentary stuff. Naturally, Knecht, that despicable career-monger, might claim it to be
his
, however.

‘To take demonstrations first, then,' Knecht said. ‘In the preposterously lax interests of what the British call “Freedom to protest” and “Freedom of speech”, their governments are wantonly tolerant of choreographed street dissent. Wantonly. They haven't had a revolution for nearly three hundred years and so don't fear the mob, or not enough. Occasionally, they'll suffer a minor uprising with some deaths, as at what they call Peterloo, Manchester in 1819, but such riotousness is regarded as contrary to the national character and therefore swiftly forgettable and, these days, pardonable.

‘Such street disturbances aimed at the Führer will not be suppressed by the British authorities. In one sense, they are actually encouraged by people like Churchill and Paterin, bellicose, unreasonable, inflamed, half-mad voices. And, although they may involve shouting, chanting, placards and banners, they probably offer no security threat. If they take place, they will be policed, though policed with a lighter hand than we might consider appropriate – appropriate or sane. Water cannon, staves or firearms are rarely used to disable these agitators. They could be a nuisance, yes, but not beyond that. It will obviously be unfortunate if the political value of the visit is reduced by Press and newsreel coverage of such uncivil excesses. Raucous yelling and screaming would impair the theme wanted by our Führer and the king – a declaration of lasting accord between the two nations and their heads of state.'

Knecht went into English: ‘“Adolf Go Home.” “No Nazis Here.”' He returned to German: ‘These might be the sort of unkind, even insolent, banner messages on show. Press photographs of them will not be helpful. We must accept this, I'm afraid. In public, the Führer will act as if unperturbed by this disgusting coarseness, perhaps even as if unaware of it.

‘It is very possible, though, that the presence of the king will make hostile behaviour of that sort unlikely. He is understandably very popular in Britain. People admire the skill, humanity and loving loyalty with which he was able to keep the crown as well as his consort, despite virulent opposition from many deeply negative, though formidable, figures. And, of course, the Führer is known to have encouraged the king not to capitulate, to defy bourgeois religiosity, and, therefore, will rightly share some of the monarch's popularity. The king also won good opinions from his subjects by sympathizing on the spot, and in such a sincere fashion, with the unemployed of South Wales in 1936 during the continuing British economic depression. People may feel it would be ungrateful, even subversive, to show crude antipathy towards his, and a distinguished guest's, celebratory parade. Those wishing to cause turmoil might realize they would be savagely and entirely justifiably set-upon by supporters of the king in the crowd, and this will deter.'

Valk saw he would need to investigate the kind of organizations who might put people on to the streets with orders to ruin the procession and its magnificently constructive aims. Reds probably flourished in Britain; the country was so pathetically broad-minded. The government there even allowed publication of a blatantly Communist newspaper,
The Daily Worker
, its title copied from a similar rag in the United States. Wholesalers wouldn't distribute the British
Daily Worker
, but readers were actually permitted to take bundles of copies to the newsagents themselves, without the least action by the police, and to support the paper with a £1 levy.

As well as the Communists, the Jews might send groups to demonstrate against the Führer. Some Communists would actually
be
Jews, of course: an especially undesirable mix. Would the churches put anti-state-visit teams on the streets? The colleges and universities? And perhaps old soldiers' associations would object to friendliness with Germany.

Knecht said: ‘I come next to street-level possible assaults. We and the British will have ample bodyguards close to the main vehicle, which would travel at brisk walking pace only. They will easily be able to deal with any approach of this kind. Also, troops will line the route.'

Knecht seemed to become less bouncy. ‘Finally, upper-floor windows. These may be the chief source of danger. Several commercial buildings will offer a clear targeting sight of the Führer in the comparatively slow-moving open car below. The rectangular form of the vehicle will, as it were, frame him. A trained sniper could get off several shots in the time it would be in his view.' Knecht pointed with the cane again. ‘For instance, this tall property here – a books depository or warehouse where volumes are stored before distribution to the shops. The car would probably have to slow even more to negotiate this grassy island just outside. It's probable that staff in such a building would wish to be on the street to enjoy the procession with the crowd. This might mean a marksman could stealthily make his way to a high floor unobserved and find a suitable spot. It will be very important that the upper floors in these buildings are patrolled, and that householders are told to stay away from bedroom windows while the parade passes their homes in case they are mistaken for possible assassins, leading to unpredictable and perhaps severe results. Shooting of an allegedly harmless civilian would be another factor operating against the amicable purpose of the procession. The British Press would make a considerable fuss about something like that, even the serious papers.'

After Knecht ended his analysis, a medical brigadier outlined the range of first-aid equipment, analgesic syringes, and non-alcoholic energy drinks he would have ready at all times close to the Führer, and indicated on a projector slide the quickest routes to any one of three major hospitals, the choice to be made according to (a) the location where an attack took place and (b) the most serious of the injuries. He listed the respective hospitals' specializations – eyes, chest, general head and face, limbs, abdomen. All three hospitals would be on special standby during the initial parade. He would ask the British to position ambulances at various places near the parade's path. He and other doctors and a nurse would be in two cars following the vehicle containing the Führer and the king. ‘I am confident we would do the best possible,' he said.

Then, to close the meeting, a short, portly protective clothing expert spoke. Valk felt the proceedings could no longer be termed joyous or festive. He wished he had left before these contributions. It would be vital, the expert said, for the Führer to wear a hat at all times when outside, and especially during the opening parade. All his head wear was steel-lined: a vital safeguard against gunfire from above. His skull would be totally enclosed within the slightly curving shields. Also, peaks of military caps and rims of other hats would be reinforced. ‘Now, it's true,' he said, ‘that the weight of the metal can be irksome. But all security advice should stress to the Führer the importance of these hats, regardless of minor discomfort. There will be five different styles of armoured hats available: three military caps, a bowler and a trilby. The British wear bowlers and civilian dress for certain functions, and the Führer must be properly equipped in case he has to take part.'

The expert passed a military cap and a bowler around the table so people could examine them, perhaps knock their knuckles against the steel plates in the lining for reassurance, and compare the weight to that of an ordinary hat. Valk thought them no heavier than an army helmet. The Führer had also been a soldier and would realize this.

The expert said: ‘Our Führer did not in the least object to measurements of his skull being taken so the carapaces could be individually fashioned and, in fact, remained good-humoured throughout, speaking of the fitments as his “jolly casques”. Unsnug steel plates can be abrasive to the scalp, even drawing blood. This might visibly run down on to cheeks and collar: clearly something to be avoided when with a monarch, and liable to cause unkind, scarcely hidden amusement among those watching.

‘Also, if these additions to headgear fit badly, a hat might become distorted and very unsightly, with hard edges of the shield obtrusively prominent. Messrs. Krupps have supplied the metal and carried out its shaping for the crown of the hats and the peaks and rims in their own foundry without charge, as a willing donation towards the Führer's safety. These reinforcement pieces are then sewn in by the Führer's tailor, using small, imperceptible stitches and cotton to match and blend in with a hat's colour: khaki, navy blue or grey.'

The expert was not altogether content with the kind of bulletproof vest the Führer wore these days. It was light and, admittedly, imperceptible. But he wondered whether comfort and chicness had taken precedence over purpose. He passed some vests around now – the lighter model, and the one the expert would prefer: bulkier, stiffer, and needing a stouter leather harness. He claimed it would stop bigger bullets, even fired from very near. Also, it was less flammable. When the hats and vests had been returned to him, he took off his jacket and shirt and swiftly strapped on the heavier vest over his singlet. It provided cover from just below the neck to the navel. Keeping the vest on, he re-dressed and placed the bowler on his head, then walked a few paces back and forth at the side of the conference table so all could see the effect. Valk thought he did look notably fatter than his previous fatness, and forlorn or ludicrous under the bowler.

‘Impressive,' Knecht said. He promised to pass the recommendations higher about the hats and the vests, so that they would reach the Führer.

With candour and, for a moment, some fear and helplessness in his voice, the expert said: ‘Of course, the more we improve the protection to the crucial upper half of the Führer's body, the more we realize there is one part of the area that cannot be protected. I speak of the Führer's face. People will understandably crowd to see that face. It is the face of an icon and must not remain hidden or shrouded. The masses draw inspiration and resolve from that face. The peaks or rims of hats may partly curtail exposure, and I fear this is the most we can achieve, given the absolute need for a large degree of openness. The overall objective of all the protective clothing is to diminish and diminish and diminish the amount of target area available to a would-be assassin, whether close-to or a distant sniper. For a public figure, the face will always remain vulnerable, though. We cannot give the Führer a visor. The people would not permit it. Neither would he. And he will not allow a double to appear for him. Perhaps justifiably, he believes that no credible double could conceivably exist.'

Valk found it hard to visualize the Führer in a bowler, but that could be a compliment to him. As the expert finished his unsettling contribution, someone mock-fired a rifle at his chest and then fell theatrically to the floor, legs and arms threshing at first, but gradually subsiding, as if a bullet had been repelled by the thick vest and come back like a boomerang and killed the marksman. Valk didn't mind a little humour, even when dark. He felt that almost the whole of the second part of the session today had comical elements, although the objective was supremely serious. It was the spelling out with such thoroughness the details of physical protection that at moments gave a farcical twist to things, the plodding, dogged, specificness. Others must have felt the same, and so the ludicrous fooling just now.